scholarly journals STATUS OF THE KYPCHAK LANGUAGE IN MAMLUK EGYPT: LANGUAGE - BARRIER OR LANGUAGE - CONTACT?

World Science ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (8(36)) ◽  
pp. 57-61
Author(s):  
Gulnar Nadirova ◽  
Bayan Jubatova ◽  
Kunduzay Aubakirova ◽  
Nazym Konkabayeva

The purpose of the study is to determine the status of the Kypchak language in the political, social and intellectual history of Egypt during the period of Mamluks’ rule.To clarify the situation, we have made an overview of the few primary and secondary sources that deal with the functioning of the Turks’ language and the analysis of its role and place in the Egyptian medieval society from the historical, religious and cultural positions. Metaphorically, the Kypchak language was the barrier language separating the social group of former slaves from the local population of Egypt and providing the right to a special position, up to the possibility of occupying the highest office of power. It also helped not to dissolve in a much larger society of Egyptians and to maintain the identity, the main component of which it was. However, the dominance of the military caste of the Mamluks did not engender language conflicts in medieval Egypt. Despite the cultural differences between the social groups - the Turkic military elite and the bulk of the Egyptian population, the devaluation of local dialects and languages has not occurred. Moreover, the Mamluk rulers have even strengthened the status of the Classical Arabic by their strong support of the material and spiritual Islamic culture and infrastructure. However, the Kypchak language did not lose its positions remaining the language of communication not only of the Turks but also of the Türkicized Caucasian and Mongolian ethnic groups.We believe that the study of the language of the medieval Turkic world can be more productive if we include an interdisciplinary approach to the methodology of its study and not only Eastern but European sources as well.

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Rohinah Rohinah ◽  
Nisfi Anisah

Status Janda dapat menyebabkan subordinasi dan marginalisasi. Hal ini Nampak jelas pada perempuan yang sering mengalami pengucilan sosial dan perampasan ekonomi. Janda bukan hanya nasib kurang beruntung, miskin, dan orangtua tunggal akan tetapi sikap didiskriminasi adalah pemicu dari hilangnya hak ekspresi. Status janda juga menjadi sasaran kecurigaan dan tuduhan kejahatan moral. Paper ini bertujuan mengetahui spirit pendirian komunitas persaudaraan Janda-Janda Indonesia (PJJI) Armalah Yogyakarta serta program kegiatan dan program pendampingan atau advokasi. Hal tersebut mengeksplorasi kemungkinan agensi perempuan dan destigmatisasi dalam mobilisasi jejaring sosial pada penekanan nilai kehormatan sosial sebagai seorang ibu. Paper menunjukkan tata cara kerja PJJI Armalah yang fokus pada Janda dalam hak keadilan yang berlandaskan spirit cinta kasih dan persamaan kesejahteraan dalam nilai Pancasila. Hal ini mendorong para janda dalam sikap berani dan mandiri dalam kebenaran.[A widow condition talks the subordination and marginalization on Social frame. The Woman in status is especially evident in seeing the experience of social exclusion and economic deprivation. Widows are not only unlucky, poor, and single parents, but the attitude of being discriminated against is the trigger for the loss of the right to expression. The status of the widow was also putting to suspicion and allegations of moral crimes. This paper aims to find out the spirit of the establishment of the organization's human rights on persaudaraan Janda-Janda Indonesia (PJJI) Armalah Yogyakarta. It is as well as activities in advocacy programs. It explores the possibility of female agency and destigmatization in the social framework for the Social honor value as women and mothers. The paper shows the work procedures of PJJI Armalah which focuses on widows in the right of justice based on the spirit of love and equality. It puts welfare in the values of Pancasila. The idea encourages widows to be courageous and independent in righteousness.] 


Author(s):  
B.Zh. Atantayeva ◽  
◽  
T.A. Kamaljanova ◽  

Based on the studied documentary sources of the Central State Archives and the Archives of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (Almaty), regional archives of the East Kazakhstan (Ust-Kamenogorsk, Semey, Ayaguz), where is a whole layer of documents on the topic under consideration, an objective picture of everyday life peoples deported to the territory of the East Kazakhstan: Germans, Chechens, Ingush, etc. are recreated. In the late 1930s, the deported peoples were sent to remote areas for special settlements (hence the name «special settlers», «special settlers»). Kazakhstan was also included among such territories. Whole peoples forcibly evicted from their homes formally retained the status of full-fledged Soviet citizens but were deprived of the right of movement and free choice of residence.The documents contained in the archives make it possible to reveal various aspects of the topic under consideration, showing the daily life of the special settlers: the difficulties and problems they encountered during resettlement and placement in a new place. The systematization of the identified sources made it possible to determine the number and resettlement of the special settlers, their household and labor structure. Analysis of the documents showed that the placement of the special settlers in the new place was difficult, which led to negative social and demographic consequences. The situation of the deported peoples, despite the measures taken for the household and labor arrangement, was difficult. The deportation of peoples led to irreparable damage to the material and spiritual culture of ethnic groups, doomed people to a low social status and standard of living. However, thanks to the support of the local population, people were able not only to survive, but also by adapting to new conditions, to contribute to the economic development of the region at this difficult time. The article provides a thorough and detailed analysis of the sources of the regional archive, which made it possible to solve the tasks, set in the work and draw appropriate conclusions based on the analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Rui Lanceiro

Since its inception, the concept of EU citizenship, as well as the rights and duties deriving therefrom, has evolved considerably, particularly in the area of social rights. ECJ case law has played a central role in defining the right of EU citizens to access social benefits in the host Member States, which meant a decrease in their degree of discretion to restrict the access to national social securities systems. However, the recent Dano and Alimanovic judgments represent a significant change from previous case-law, setting limits on the right of EU citizens to social benefits in the host Member States. The right of residence in another Member State appears to be dependent on the status of a worker citizen in accordance with the new methodology in order to avoid being an excessive burden on the social system of the host Member State. However, the new approach still leaves several unanswered questions. Were these decisions an attempt to address the “social security tourism” debate? Is the CJEU falling behind with regard to the protection of social rights? What will remain of previous jurisprudence?


Author(s):  
Hirschl Ran

Comparative study has emerged as the new frontier of constitutional law scholarship as well as an important aspect of constitutional adjudication. Increasingly, jurists, scholars, and constitution drafters worldwide accept that “we are all comparativists now.” And yet, despite this tremendous renaissance, the “comparative” aspect, as a method and a project, remains under-theorized and blurry. Fundamental questions concerning the very meaning and purpose of comparative constitutional inquiry, and how it is to be undertaken, are seldom asked, let alone answered. The author addresses this gap by charting the intellectual history of constitutional thought and the analytical underpinnings of comparative constitutional inquiry, probing the various types, aims, epistemology, and methodologies of engagement with the constitutive laws of others through the ages, and exploring how and why comparative constitutional inquiry has been and ought to be more extensively pursued by academics and jurists worldwide. Through extensive exploration of comparative constitutional endeavors past and present, near and far, the author shows how attitudes toward engagement with the constitutive laws of others reflect tensions between particularism and universalism as well as competing visions of who “we” are as a political community. Drawing on insights from social theory, religion, history, political science, and public law, the author argues for an interdisciplinary approach to the study of comparative constitutionalism that is methodologically and substantively preferable to merely doctrinal accounts. It is contended that the future of comparative constitutional studies lies in relaxing the sharp divide between constitutional law and the social sciences.


1984 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark N. Franklin

The victory of an established major party in the 1983 British general election, with the other established party coming second, should not be allowed to obscure the fact that the outcome could easily have been very different. The purpose of this article is to show how the social structure that used to underpin traditional two-party voting has changed its nature in recent years, so that at least since 1974 the potential has existed for the right combination of political forces to reduce one or both traditional major parties either to the status of minor contender, or else to that of a more equal partner in what is no longer a two-party system. In a recent article, Crewe has documented the extreme and unpredictable nature of the volatility that has marked party preferences among the British electorate in recent years. The present article seeks to lay bare the underlying concomitants of that more visible phenomenon.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 38-65
Author(s):  
Cyrus Ali Zargar

Abstract While Sufi writings have largely depicted futuwwa as the selfless virtue of upright young men, there has been, throughout Islam’s intellectual history, an underlying current characterised by brave rebelliousness, a current tied to the virtue’s complex relationship with urban fraternal societies. This paper investigates Muḥyī al-Dīn Ibn ʿArabī’s (d. 638/1240) deliberate response to futuwwa’s implications of recalcitrance. Making a case for a law-abiding variety of the virtue, Ibn ʿArabī builds a theoretical frame in which this manly trait, one of consideration and altruism, mimics divine attributes, especially a divine calculating wisdom. In doing so, Ibn ʿArabī performs a role that Jeff Mitchell describes as the prerogative of noble elites, historically speaking, namely, the social construction of virtue. As is argued here, while Ibn ʿArabī makes a careful case for a law-abiding futuwwa, the lingering resonances of the virtue’s gangster associations indicate that social influence is, to a degree, reciprocal. That is, while Ibn ʿArabī’s framing of futuwwa makes a detailed and metaphysically-substantiated case for law-abidingness, his argument also suggests, however implicitly, that the virtue cannot completely escape its non-elite outlaw framework.


Media Iuris ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Katherine Abidea Salim

Technology has enabled individuals with gender dysphoria - that is, those with a sense of incompatibility between gender and biological sex, to undergo sex reassignment surgery. Indonesia is one country which recognizes the right to legal recognition of sex reassignment. Nonetheless, the issue of sex change remains a taboo one in Indonesia, where religion and adat play important roles. Many Adat systems in Indonesia adopt a patrilineal inheritance system, where only sons may inherit, but have no established rules as to the ability of transgender men, born as women, to inherit. This article seeks to answer the question of whether transgender men have the right to a share of any, if at all, of their fathers’ inheritance. The author uses normative legal research using various sources of law, especially those found in statutes and regulations doctrines, and jurisprudences. In addition, secondary sources on Adat and inheritance law are used as supplementary sources. The research concludes that the change of biological sex does enable transgender men, who were prior to sex reassignment surgery not entitled to any inheritance, to inherit their fathers’ inheritance. This is owed to the fact that the ability to inherit in Indonesian Adat systems is concerned solely with the ability to carry family name, and not the ability to procreate as a man.


2020 ◽  
Vol 59 (88) ◽  
pp. 135-156
Author(s):  
Marta Sjeničić ◽  
Sandra Perić ◽  
Dragana Marčetić

Contractual capacity is the starting point for exercising most human rights. It entails the capacity to sign contracts and enter into the legal transactions, and it is a gateway to exercising a range of labour, voting, family, property, succession (etc.) rights envisaged by the law. The full deprivation of contractual capacity leads to the deprivation of most other capacities. Thus, a person is de iure and de facto excluded from societal life. The mechanism for deprivation of contractual capacity exists in both domestic and foreign jurisprudence, as a way of protecting individual rights. The deprivation of contractual capacity in adults is applicable when the competent authority determines one's mental or intellectual impairment. In the past, the prevailing approach to establishing such disability was the medical approach, which is largely the same today, while the social model is seldom applied. The issue of protection of the right to contractual capacity has seldom been comprehensively analyzed, either from the standpoint of social care services or from the standpoint of jurisprudence. Yet, they are both equally relevant in the process of assessing contractual capacity. This paper presents the results of research conducted in social care centers and courts in the territory of the City of Belgrade (Serbia). The research was aimed at establishing whether the status and position of social care service users has improved after introducing the legal mechanism authorizing the courts to assess (within a specific time limit) if there are reasons for continuing the imposed measure of deprivation of contractual capacity, as well as to analyze the major reasons for initiating the legal action for reassessment of contractual capacity.


2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-54
Author(s):  
ROBERT A. FERGUSON

The separation of church and state disguised the coordination of two very different conceptions of liberty at work in Revolutionary America, one with a religious basis in radical Protestant thought and the other with a legal basis in the secular Enlightenment. The essay combines the disciplines of law, literature, and intellectual history to investigate these contrasting formulations and their changing relationship. Cross-cultural analysis of the language of protest in both England and America gives the investigation a crucial focus. It also explains a larger movement from direct influence to refraction in Anglo-American relations.The interdisciplinary approach is critical to understanding how the same language came to mean different things. Exegesis of the common law tradition in England and close rhetorical analysis of pulpit oratory and legal pamphleteering in Revolutionary America reveal a striking shift in the meaning of liberty as legal explanation trumped religious protest in the process of national formations. Properly understood, the paradoxical role of the American lawyer was to cap revolutionary impulses through the manipulation of the language of a bible culture. Legal positivism replaced natural law as a ruling impulse in the definition of rights, and a republic based on the right of revolution became a nation state where the test of membership would be loyalty. The long-term result has been that the citizen faces a permanent and often puzzling dichotomy best understood in dialectical terms. National identity, while secular, responds to providential invocation in the American republic of laws, and protest finds its most potent voice in religious expression.


2008 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-898 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reza Nakhaie ◽  
Barry Adam

The social role of universities has been subject to a lengthy debate as to whether those who teach in the academy are system legitimizing conservatives or radicals helping to generate critical thinking and challenge to the status quo. Despite this controversy, neoconservatives in the U.S. have used the evidence of professors’ strong support for the Democratic candidates as an indication of universities being dominated by left-leaning radicals. The aim of this paper is to evaluate political affiliations of Canadian university professors, based on a national survey conducted in 2000. The study shows that Canadian professors’ political affiliation can be identified as left and/or right depending on how we conceptualize the political orientation of political parties. Although, university professors tended to vote to the Liberal Party more than other parties, they themselves are more likely to view this party as a centrist party. Moreover, the study highlights a complex and non-monolithic picture of the Canadian academy. University professors are not politically homogenous but that their party vote depends on the prestige of their university, their discipline, gender, ethnicity, marital status, generation and extent of their own liberalism. Résumé. Le rôle social des universités fait depuis longtemps l’objet d’un débat sur l’orientation politique des professeurs : sont-ils des conservateurs qui légitiment le statu quo, ou des radicaux qui aident à créer une pensée critique qui le conteste? Le but du présent article est d’évaluer les affiliations politiques des professeurs canadiens telles qu’elles se dégagent d’un sondage national effectué en 2000. L’étude montre que leur affiliation politique peut être décrite comme de gauche ou de droite, selon la conception qu’on a de l’orientation des partis politiques. Ils votent plus souvent pour les Libéraux que pour d’autres partis, les voyant comme un parti du centre. D’ailleurs, l’étude donne des universités canadiennes un tableau complexe et nullement monolithique. Les professeurs n’ont pas de vues homogènes, ils votent en partie selon le prestige de leur université, leur discipline, leur sexe, leurs antécédents ethniques, leur situation de famille, leur âge et leur attitude envers le libéralisme.


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