scholarly journals Nadziei Druckiej droga z Rosji do Polski. Studium przypadku akulturacji

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (XXIV) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Jolanta Brzykcy
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
World War ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
Literary Community ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
Reorientation Process

This article is devoted to Nadzieja Drucka (1898–1986), a Polish writer and translator of Rus-sian literature of Russian origin on her father’s side. Drucka grew up in Russia, in an aristocratic family, thanks to her marriage to a Pole, Maurice O’Brien de Lacy. She found herself in Poland in 1918, where she made an effort to learn the Polish language and culture and to assimilate with Polish society. These attempts proved successful. In the 1920s, Drucka established numer-ous contacts with the Polish literary community and conducted intense literary and social activity. She continued it after World War II, in a new political reality, openly declaring her support for a new political system in Poland.The article traces, on the basis of the writer’s autobiography Three fourths... Memories, the subsequent stages of the cultural reorientation process, as a result of which Poland became Drucka’s second homeland.

scholarly journals Between Homeland and Emigration. Tuwim’s Struggle for Identity

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (6) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Hans-Christian Trepte
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Language And Culture ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Language And Literature ◽  
Polish Language ◽  
Polish Jews ◽  
Jewish Descent

Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer. Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer.

Ubi Lenin, Ibi Jerusalem: Illusions and Defeats of Jewish Communists in Polish-Jewish, Post-world War II Literature

2007 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-61
Author(s):  
Laura Quercioli Mincer
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
World War ◽  
Post World War Ii ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Polish Culture

AbstractOn the basis of an analysis of literary texts by Polish-Jewish authors, the character of the Communist Jews, their motivations and relations to Jewish and Polish culture is described. This topic involves at the same time the forms of Jewish self-representation and self-consciousness, and the role played by Polonized Jews within Polish society. The article opens with a brief sketch of the possible affinities between Jewish Messianism and revolutionary utopia.

The Anthropocene and ecological awareness in Poland: The post-socialist view

2021 ◽  
pp. 205301962110512
Author(s):  
Justyna Chodkowska-Miszczuk ◽  
Krzysztof Rogatka ◽  
Aleksandra Lewandowska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Socialist Economy ◽  
World War ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Ecological Awareness ◽  
Real Socialism ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Polish Economy ◽  
Second World

Dynamic and unrestrained socio-economic development is upsetting the balance of nature’s mechanisms, causing a climate stalemate, or even climate destabilisation. After the Second World War a new political system – real socialism – was enforced on Poland. It brought about changes of a social, cultural, economic and environmental nature. Its immanent feature was the application of top-down decisions that did not take into account environmental components. There was also little ecological awareness within Polish society at that time. The transformations of the 1990s resulted not only in the liberalisation of the Polish economy, but also in the permeation of new trends oriented towards pro-environmental activities. The aim of the article is to find an answer to the question: How is ecological awareness currently shaped in the context of Anthropocene in Poland during the transition from a socialist economy to a capitalist economic system?

scholarly journals Niemiecka droga do demokracji i gospodarki rynkowej jako przykład dla państw Europy Wschodniej

2017 ◽  
pp. 123-135
Author(s):  
Martin Dahl
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Political System ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
World War ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Democratic Political System

The German experience with democracy and the market economy can be particularly valuable for other European countries for at least two reasons. Firstly, after World War II, the Germans effectively and permanently managed to enter the democratic political system based on the market economy. Initially, the economy was implemented only in the western part of the country and since 1990 all over the country. Secondly, after the collapse of the former Soviet bloc, Central European countries greatly benefited from German political solutions. This means that in favourable conditions, these experiences can be a valuable source of inspiration for other countries, especially those in Eastern Europe.This study is a result of research conducted in 2016 as part of the project ‘Germany and Russia in a multipolar international order. Strategic vision and potential alliances’ with the support of the Foundation for Polish-German Cooperation. It consists of four parts. Part I is an introduction to the issues analysed. Part II shows the genesis and characteristics of the democratic political system of Germany. Part III contains an analysis of the German experience with the implementation of the market economy. In Part IV, the author presents his conclusions of how and to what extent Eastern European countries can use the German experience in reforming their political systems and what conditions they would have to meet.

From Eugenics to Lysenkoism: The Evolution of Stanisław Skowron

2009 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Dejong-Lambert
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Rockefeller Foundation ◽  
Genetic Research ◽  
The United States ◽  
Faculty Members ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Relationship

This article describes the relationship between Polish geneticist Stanisław Skowron's views on eugenics during the interwar period, his experiences in Nazi concentration camps during World War II, and his response to Trofim D. Lysenko's ban on genetic research in Soviet-allied states after 1948. Skowron was educated at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow and received funding from the Rockefeller Foundation to study in the United States, Italy, Denmark, and Great Britain from 1924 to 1926. His exposure to research being conducted outside of Poland made him an important figure in Polish genetics. During this time Skowron also began to believe that an understanding of biological principles of heredity could play an important role in improving Polish society and became a supporter of eugenics. In 1939 he was arrested along with other faculty members at the Jagiellonian and sent to Sachsenhausen and Dachau. In 1947 he published the first book updating Polish biologists on recent developments in genetics; however, after learning of the outcome of the 1948 session of the Lenin All-Union Academy of Agricultural Sciences in Moscow, Skowron emerged as one of the most vocal advocates for Michurinism. I argue that Skowron's conversion to Lysenkoism was motivated by more than fear or opportunism, and is better understood as the product of his need to rationalize his own support for a theory he could not possibly have believed was correct.

Gender, Politics, and the Emerging Cold War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacqueline Castledine
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Gender Roles ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Nineteenth Amendment

This chapter discusses how Americans debated regarding women's right to vote, even before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. By the presidential election of 1936, most agreed that women had failed to organize in numbers large enough to provide them with an effective voice in the political system. However, World War II would create opportunities for women's political activism. As men joined the service, women replaced them not only in the industrial workplace but also in political organizing. Americans concerned with dramatic shifts in gender roles then engaged in a concerted effort to remasculinize U.S. culture after the war. In need of strategies to lessen their apparent threat to American masculinity, Progressive women, led by Women for Wallace chair Elinor Gimbel, introduced various tactics to calm fears about the supposed dangers of leftist women.

Political Dislocation in a Technical Universe

1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
David C. Menninger
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
Occupational Prestige ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
The Public ◽  
Approval Ratings ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

One clear fact emerging from current public opinion polls is that most Americans have little confidence in both political leaders and the political system. At the time of this writing, the president's approval ratings have slipped to the lowest mark for any president since World War II – just above 25 percent, according to one poll. Members of Congress have hardly been faring better. Throughout 1977, even as the president's popularity began to slide down, approval ratings for Congress never went above 40 percent, ending the year at just above 30 percent. Indeed, all politicians have suffered from severely diminished status in the public eye. In one recent survey on occupational prestige, they were rated next to last among fifteen occupations listed, a step above salesmen and one below skilled workers.

The N.C.N.C. and Ethnic Unions in Biafra

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Audrey Chapman Smock
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
World War ◽  
Federal Level ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Ethnic Factors

The omnipresence of ethnic factors as a determinant in Nigerian politics during the first republic appears almost as a truism for Africansts today. The fragmentation of Nigeria into two units with the secession of Biafra on 30 May 1967 constitutes the most tragic and vivid manifestation of the consequences of ethnic confrontation. But in addition to these well-known ethnic-bloc politics at the macropolitical— Federal—level, competition based on ethnic groups also characterised the regional and local political systems. After all, the separate identities of such ethnic groups as the Ibo, the Yoruba, and the Hausa—Fulani only became relevant and generally accepted subsequent to the Introduction of a representative political system after World War II.

scholarly journals Titoizem in konec Jugoslavije

2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Zdenko Čepič
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Self Management ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
World War ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Characteristic Features ◽  
The Right

Although the second Yugoslavia was often called Tito’s Yugoslavia in political parlance, the term Titoism was rarely used for its political regime and the structure of its government at the time. The term was closely connected to the person of Josip Broz Tito. The connection was based both on the name and on the fact that the term applied to events that happened during Tito’s rule. It is simply an eponym in the true sense of the word. On one hand, Titoism was the principle on which the second Yugoslavia was based, and on the other it was a method of governing. Titoism can also describe the Yugoslav type of socialism and its characteristic features, as well as the country in general. Titoism is not so much an ideology, but rather a practice. It is the government's means. Titoism is Yugoslavia as a country after World War II, it is the structure of the state administration, i.e. the federal government, and the principle on which it is based, i.e. the recognition of the nation’s right of self-determination, including the right to secede, as well as the country’s political system – the workers’ self-management. Everything that can be understood as Titoism was representative of the second Yugoslavia. On one hand, Titoism was the means for the country’s rise, its creation and development (progression), but on the other hand, Titoism already contained the seed of the country’s dissolution, its demise and the disintegration of the whole system known as Titoism. Of what was actually the end of the second Yugoslavia.

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