scholarly journals An Obstacle to Decolonising Europe

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 112-122
Author(s):  
Jordan Kiper

While the central aim of decolonisation is undoing colonial legacies, a major obstacle is white nationalism. A new wave of transnational anti-globalist, Islamophobic, and white-grievance tropes have hybridised with local political ideologies of right-wing politics and authoritarian populists in Europe and the United States. Here, I review the cultural characteristics of this new wave of white nationalism by focusing on its co-option of Serbian nationalist propaganda from the Yugoslav Wars and shared receptivity to narratives among far-right political groups in former colonial powers. The portrait that emerges is one of cross-cultural variations on a common theme: maintaining white supremacy and actively countering ideological challenges to it. Critically, the new wave of white nationalism expands our anthropological understanding of white supremacy but also highlights the significance of white nationalism in obstructing justice initiatives that address the race crimes of colonialism. Less consensus has been reached, however, on how to counter white nationalist networks and transnational extremist propaganda. In addition to highlighting ways to counter white nationalist propaganda, I argue that decolonising Europe and achieving its envisioned relations of sociative peace will not be fully realised unless more is done to minimise the influence of white nationalism.

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 496-506 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silke Roth

Brexit and the election of President Trump in the United States are the result of the rise of far-right populist movements which can be observed in Europe, North America, and other regions of the world. Whereas populism itself is one response to neoliberalism, globalization, and austerity measures, the election of Trump, in particular, has caused a new wave of protest. To a far lesser extent, on the 60th anniversary of the founding of the European Union in March 2017, people in the UK and many European countries participated in a March for Europe. These demonstrations represent counter-movements to the growing presence of right-wing, anti-immigrant, racist, nationalist, sexist, homophobic, anti-semitic and anti-Muslim movements throughout Europe and the United States. This rapid response issue surveys right-wing populist and left-liberal counter-movements which represent different responses to neoliberalism, globalization, austerity, and to each other. Social movements reflect and contribute to social change and need to be understood from an intersectional perspective. Networked media play an important role for both populist movements from the right and progressive counter-movements.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Sabina Magliocco

This essay introduces a special issue of Nova Religio on magic and politics in the United States in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election. The articles in this issue address a gap in the literature examining intersections of religion, magic, and politics in contemporary North America. They approach political magic as an essentially religious phenomenon, in that it deals with the spirit world and attempts to motivate human behavior through the use of symbols. Covering a range of practices from the far right to the far left, the articles argue against prevailing scholarly treatments of the use of esoteric technologies as a predominantly right-wing phenomenon, showing how they have also been operationalized by the left in recent history. They showcase the creativity of magic as a form of human cultural expression, and demonstrate how magic coexists with rationality in contemporary western settings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 509-538
Author(s):  
Tom Gerald Daly ◽  
Brian Christopher Jones

Abstract The growing threat to liberal democracy worldwide is, in many ways, a political party threat. Recent years have witnessed the rise of a range of authoritarian populist, illiberal, far-right, nativist, and extremist parties. Some have entered government in countries including Hungary, Poland, Austria, and Italy. Germany’s Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD) is now the main parliamentary opposition. Beyond Europe we see democratic structures threatened or incrementally dismantled through the subversion of an established democratic party by an outsider (e.g. Donald Trump in the United States or Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines) or ascendance of the extremist wing of a right-wing party (e.g. India’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)). Parties and party leaders occupying an ill-defined space on the political spectrum—a form of “far-right lite”—today generally present a much greater threat to democratic governance than overtly antidemocratic fringe outfits, such as Germany’s National Democratic Party (NPD). The ambiguity of such parties, their growing size, their entry into government, the subversion of “good” democratic parties by a “bad” leadership, and the rise of the “shadow party” and intensifying external control mean that contemporary political party threats seriously frustrate the possibility of remedial action afforded by existing public law and policy mechanisms. They also require us to reflect anew on crafting novel remedies and to revisit our deep assumptions about parties as creatures of central constitutional importance.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-91
Author(s):  
Elena Trifiletti ◽  
Rossella Falvo ◽  
Carla Dazzi ◽  
Dora Capozza

Image theory was used in this study to assess the images that Italian adults with different political ideologies have of the United States. In addition to the ally, barbarian, enemy, and imperialist images, a new image, that of the father, was introduced. It was found that right-wing respondents endorsed the father and ally images of Americans, while left-wing respondents perceived Americans as barbarians. The theoretical and practical implications of the findings are discussed.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Bradley Byington

Conspiracy theories, and especially antisemitic conspiracy theories, form a core ideological component of right-wing violent extremism in the United States. This article argues that conspiracy narratives and their psychological antecedents are key to understanding the ideological appeal of right-wing extremist formations such as white supremacist and Christian Identity movements, providing insight into the motivations and behaviors of those individual participants who become sufficiently radicalized to carry out terrorist actions. It is further proposed that standard radicalization models can be enhanced for applications specific to right-wing extremism through an understanding of conspiracy thinking (both antisemitic and otherwise), and that this understanding can assist in addressing the motivated roots of the ideologies that sustain this particular type of violent extremism through a public health approach to counter-radicalization that aims to “inoculate” the public against the cognitive tendencies exemplified in antisemitic con- spiracy theories and in conspiracist culture more generally. The proposed approach would complement existing efforts in a unique way, as it would have the potential not only to improve public security, but also to provide further societal benefits by countering other negative tendencies associated with conspiracy belief (for example, decreased intention to vaccinate). This would provide an exceptional cost versus benefit ratio while supporting existing counter-radicalization programs and leaving them intact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariëtta Van der Tol ◽  
Matthew Rowley

This article theorises ideations of “the people” in a comparative reflection on Latin-Christian theologies and typologies of time and secularised appropriations thereof in right-wing as well as far-right movements in Europe and the United States of America. Understanding the world in grand narratives of “good” and “evil” emerges from Christian eschatological hope: the hope of the restoration and renewal of the cosmos and the final defeat of evil prophesised in association with the return of Christ. However, this language of good and evil becomes detached from the wider corpus of Christian belief and theology. In its secular expression, it may attach the good to an abstract and normative account of “the people”, who are defined in contrast to a range of others, both internal and external to the nation. Secular iterations might further echo the stratification of present, past and future through a sacralisation of the past and a dramatization of the future. The context of contemporary right-wing and far-right movements poses a series of questions about the relationship between belief and belonging, the acceptability of the secularization of Christian traditions and theologies, and the extent to which Christian communities can legitimately associate with right-wing movements.


Author(s):  
Véronique Mottier

This article proposes to shift the focus from eugenic science to its translation into concrete policy practices, adopting a comparative perspective. It draws on examples of eugenic policy-making in the United States, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Sweden, and Germany to explore the relation between eugenic science and the state, examining the impact of different state formations on cross-national variations in the political trajectories of eugenics. Eugenic movements were thus able to exert important influence on these states' policy-making apparatuses. This article also discusses the affect of specific institutional design on the ways in which eugenic policies are implemented. It also deals with political spectrum of eugenics and tends to amalgamate eugenics with conservative and extreme right-wing political ideologies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-37
Author(s):  
René Nissen ◽  
Kiril Avramov ◽  
Jason Roberts

Most of the scholarship on far-right hooliganism in Europe and Russia mentions only marginally the Russian far-right MMA gear and tournament brand White Rex (WR). A few authors have discussed WR’s right-wing connections and activities. Yet both the structures that enabled WR and, now, other similar brands to exert ideological and political influence and the influence itself bear further examination. This paper presents a qualitative analysis of information from intelligence reports, social media, open media, and interviews to show how WR modeled and cultivated a professionalizing trend in several far-right combat sport tournaments. We argue that WR’s entrance into the Western European far-right combat sport scene was a key development in the emergence of professionally organized, fight-focused events with explicit political messaging targeted at a far-right, primarily trans-European audience and a surrounding infrastructure of far-right organizations shaping the character of this developing scene. The business model that WR developed in Russia proved to be something the emerging European far-right combat sport scene could adopt in order to grow. Finally, we elaborate on how WR’s founder, Denis Kapustin, was able to establish a Western European network that temporarily gave him influence over one of the far right’s most significant cultural scenes.


Sociology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marit A. Berntson

Fascism dominated politics and society in the 1920s and 1930s and resulted in one of the world’s most destructive wars. The enormity of the suffering has led to an interest in fascism and its origins, with the hope that understanding what it is and why it occurred will prevent it from happening again. The sociological study of fascism is historical, interdisciplinary, and comparative. A key feature of the scholarship is the debate about fascism’s definition. Because it was the world’s first fascist regime, some claim that the characteristics of Italian fascism under Mussolini should form the basis for the definition, or that Italian fascism is the only instance of fascism. Others argue that the political ideologies and groups that marked the first half of the 20th century had a number of features in common and that, although fascism played out differently in national contexts, a generic definition is possible. Recent scholarship points to a consensus in favor of a generic definition. Fascism promised a solution to the divisions and decay wrought by liberal democracy and communism through mass mobilization, national cleansing, and national rebirth. Roger Griffin said fascism was “palingenetic populist ultranationalism” (Griffin 1993, p. 26, cited under Definitions). Whether fascism manifests as an intellectual current, social movement, political party, or regime also figures in its definition because fascism’s form affects what it can do. Some comparative research focuses on differences between fascism and other authoritarian, conservative, or right-wing groups, as well as relations between fascists and these groups. Since the rebirth that fascism promises usually entails controlling biological and cultural reproduction, women’s roles in fascist ideology and regimes have been the subject of recent studies. Scholars have also likened fascism to religion, for its reliance on myths, symbols, rituals, and commemoration in both ideology and practice, and have studied fascism as an example of totalitarianism, often in comparison to communist Russia. Debates about the definition of fascism are inextricably linked to theories of its emergence. Some scholars explain fascism’s origins by looking at intellectual, cultural, political, or economic factors. Others claim that the only way to understand why fascism occurred is to study its leaders and their intentions (e.g., Adolf Hitler), and its members, voters, and supporters. The definition of fascism and its organizational form also affect which countries are studied, whether for case or comparative analysis. Italy and Germany have received the most attention, but many other countries are the subject of inquiry too. Some scholars have examined dozens of countries in an effort to classify them as fascist or otherwise. The scope of fascist studies expands as new insights emerge, as more disciplines become involved, as new methods of inquiry are developed, and as new sources of data become available, such as archives in Russia, eastern Europe after the fall of the Soviet Union, and the Vatican. Finally, many scholars are preoccupied by the possibility of fascism’s return in today’s far right in countries all over the world. These are studies for which questions about definition and origins are also important, but perhaps more pressing are concerns about the activities of these groups and whether they pose a threat to democracy and, if so, how to contain them.


2016 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Asal ◽  
Steven M. Chermak ◽  
Sarah Fitzgerald ◽  
Joshua D. Freilich

This study compares the organizational-level variables of violent and nonviolent far-right extremist groups. This study makes an important contribution by coding for attributes for each specific year that an organization existed. Prior research has only examined organizational characteristics at a single point of time. Our strategy here better specifies differences between violent and nonviolent extremist groups. We used a pooled cross-sectional time series analysis using logistic regression because our dependent variable is dichotomous (the organization used violence this year vs. it did not). We clustered on the organization and we included dummy years to control for time series effects. We also included a lagged variable if the organization used violence in the year before. We found that organizations were more likely to use violence if they were previously involved in violence, had multiple alliances with other extremist groups, had a large membership, had weak or decentralized leadership or a strong ruling council, and advocated for inherent racial or ethnic superiority. These results have important implications for law enforcement and future research on extremism and violence.


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