Beyond Comparativism

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 10-30
Author(s):  
Arie Krampf

This article critiques Esping-Andersen’s class-based theory of welfare regimes, demonstrating that the theory’s scope conditions are not fulfilled by the Israeli case during the country’s first three decades. It traces the transition of Israel’s welfare regime and the consolidation of its welfare state in the 1970s. Based on historical analysis, the article points out two incongruities between Esping-Andersen’s theory scope conditions and the case of Israel. Further, it argues that the transformation of Israel’s welfare regime can be better explained by institutional historical theories that highlight the impact of the production regime on welfare and the significance of conflicts between high-skilled and lowskilled workers.

2014 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanna Romaniuk

Abstract Health at 50+ issues are particularly important now, when the inevitable increase in the old-age dependency ratio calls for governmental involvement in measures that are aimed at mitigating the negative effects of population aging in Europe. The investigations of differences between the subjective and objective health measures in a welfare state regime perspective have not been conducted before although it can be assumed that such analyses might provide valuable information about the impact of welfare regime on health as well as about the interchangeability between the self-reported and measured health. The main objective of this study was to determine whether the type of welfare regime influences the subjective and objective health of the population aged 50+. Hierarchical logistic regression models were applied to examine this subject. Analyses were conducted for 16 European countries (N=57236) classified into four different types of welfare regimes: social democratic, post-socialist, conservative-corporatist and Mediterranean. The empirical results suggest that the type of welfare regime helps to explain the variations in the subjective health between countries as well as the differences between individuals. However, it does not explain the differences in objective health when analyzing all socio-economic groups collectively. Analyzes performed within defined socioeconomic groups showed that the types of welfare regimes differentiated between both subjective and objective health in the majority of defined groups, however, the health of those least well-of in all of the analyzed welfare regimes was found to be similar. The different results obtained for both subjective and objective health in post-socialist and Mediterranean countries suggest that these two types of measurement should not be used interchangeably.


Author(s):  
David Garland

Every developed country has a distinctive welfare state of its own. Welfare states generally rely on the same basic institutions, but these institutions can operate in different ways. Welfare state programmes are government programmes, but while public authority is necessary to establish, fund, and regulate these programmes, the nature of government involvement varies. Three worlds of welfare have been identified: social democratic; conservative; and liberal. ‘Varieties’ describes the welfare state regimes that developed in Sweden, Germany, and the USA, each of which exemplifies one of these ‘worlds’ of welfare. It goes on to consider briefly the welfare regimes beyond the ‘three worlds’ and how Britain’s welfare regime has changed over time.


Author(s):  
Anna Penner

AbstractThis article uses data from the 2008 International Social Survey Programme to examine the disability gap in happiness in 14 countries. This study builds on previous research linking disability to depression by exploring whether there are significant differences in the gap between disabled and non-disabled people’s happiness internationally and if differences in happiness systematically vary across welfare state regimes. Disabled respondents were found to be significantly less happy than non-disabled respondents from the same nation in all 14 countries and that the levels of happiness between disabled people and unemployed people were similar by welfare regime except in the conservative welfare regime. The disability gap in happiness varied across welfare state regimes, and social democratic countries generally had significantly smaller disability gaps than countries with conservative welfare regimes. These findings highlight the international scope of the disability gap and underscore the important role that welfare regimes have in shaping these differences.


2003 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 259-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly J. Morgan

Contemporary theories and typologies of welfare states in Western Europe assume that social democratic parties are the engine behind progressive policies on gender roles and on the participation of women in the labor force. The French case challenges these assumptions—this conservative welfare state, surprisingly, provides an extensive system of public day care along with other forms of support that facilitate mothers' employment. This article explains the existence of the French system through a comparative historical analysis of child care policy in France and other European welfare states. The mainfindingsconcern the role of organized religion in shaping contemporary public day care policies. In contrast to most conservative welfare regimes, the French welfare state has been shaped not by clericalism and Christian democracy but by secularism and republican nationalism—forces that influenced some of the earliest public policies for the education of young children in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and that later affected the founding of the contemporary day care system in the 1970s. In that latter period of propitious economic circumstances, pragmatic policy elites eschewed moralizing critiques of mothers' employment and established a system of financing that has enabled the long-term expansion of public day care. These findings have implications for our understanding of gender politics and welfare regimes in Western Europe. The secularization of political life—not social democratic power—best explains why public policies in France and in many Scandinavian countries have promoted the demise of the traditional family model.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (12) ◽  
pp. 1483-1509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianne S. Ulriksen

How come two developing countries with similar economic, institutional, and democratic attributes have developed vastly different welfare regimes? Drawing inspiration from the welfare regime literature, the author subjects Botswana and Mauritius to a comparative historical analysis that explores the economic and political trajectories of their welfare policy development. The findings offer both support and modifications to the established and mostly Western-oriented literature. First, politics affect welfare policy development. In developing countries, the rural population can promote welfare policy expansion, but it is middle-class interests that shape the direction of policy development. Second, given the importance of politics, conceptualizations of welfare policies need to include both the spending and the financing side. Finally, the causes of different welfare regime paths need to be examined with attention to the particular economic contexts of developing countries and how welfare and economic policies are interrelated and to some extent path dependent.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ingrida Gečienė-Janulionė

This article examines the relationship between different types of the welfare state, migration regimes and changes in migration flows. It discusses the implications and limitations of the ‘welfare magnet’ theory explaining the impact of welfare regimes on migration flows as well as the interactions between migration regimes and welfare state situations. Also the impact of different welfare state regimes on migration flows is presented there. In Lithuania, as well as in other countries with a high level of emigration, the relations between the welfare state, migration regimes and migration are not fully explored; therefore, the article also presents the case study of Lithuania in order to provide guidelines for further studies in this field.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095892872199665
Author(s):  
Pierre-Marc Daigneault ◽  
Lisa Birch ◽  
Daniel Béland ◽  
Samuel-David Bélanger

Most quantitative, comparative welfare state research assumes that subnational welfare regimes are irrelevant or identical to their national counterparts. Many qualitative case studies, on the other hand, have underlined the differences between subnational and national regimes. In this article, we attempt to build bridges between these two strands of literature by examining the case for a Quebec model, that is, a subnational welfare state regime that is distinct from its Canadian counterpart(s). We reviewed seven publications from which we extracted 188 quantitative results relevant to the distinct subnational regime hypothesis. Although not all these results are independent nor based on conclusive evidence, they generally agree that a distinct welfare regime exists in Quebec. We conclude this article by discussing the implications of the Quebec case for the study of welfare regimes at the subnational and regional levels.


2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 92-110
Author(s):  
Martin Powell ◽  
Ki-tae Kim ◽  
Sung-won Kim

ABSTRACTThere has been little consensus on Japans welfare regime since Esping-Andersens [1990. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Cambridge: Polity Press] unclear categorisation of Japan as his only non-Western welfare state. This article is the first attempt to analyse academic research published in both English and Japanese. It presents a review of 40 collected studies (including 15 Western, 6 Asian and 19 Japanese articles), reached a wide variety of conclusions, defining Japan as eight different types: We point out that while the majority of Western studies tend to run statistical models including Japan among otherwise Western welfare states with little theoretical justification, Japanese scholars tend to focus on Japan as a single case. The two very different approaches may have something to learn from each other, as in thesis antithesis synthesis. Now that we are aware of very different approaches to and conclusions about Japans welfare regime, the topic appears ripe for greater co-operation between scholars.


Author(s):  
Erdem Yörük

This chapter examines the political dynamics that have shaped the transformation of the Turkish welfare system since the 1960s. Over the years, income-based social assistance policies have supplanted employment-based social security policies, while the welfare state has significantly expanded. To explain why and how the Turkish welfare state has expanded during neoliberalism and why social policies have shifted from social security to social assistance, the chapter focuses on the rivalries between mainstream parties and the impact of grassroots politics, as well as the political mechanisms that mediate and transform structural pressures into policies. The chapter illustrates that political efforts to contain the political radicalization of the informal proletariat and to mobilize its electoral support have driven the expansion of social assistance policies during the post-1980 neoliberal period. State authorities now see the informal proletariat as a more significant political threat and source of support than the formal proletariat whose dynamism drove the expansion of the welfare state during the pre-1980 developmentalist period. The chapter provides a historical analysis of the interaction between parliamentary processes and social movements in order to account for the transformation of welfare provision in Turkey. It concludes by locating Turkey in a larger context, in which other emerging markets develop similar welfare states as a response to similar political exigencies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 111-130
Author(s):  
Anton Hemerijck ◽  
Stefano Ronchi

The trajectory of developed welfare states in the early twenty-first century is perhaps best understood through the idea of ‘social investment’. The first section of the chapter defines social investment as a sui generis welfare paradigm, distinct from both the Keynesian–Beveridgean welfare state and its neoliberal critique, and analytically rooted in the three interrelated policy functions of lifelong human capital stocks, work–life-balanced flows, and inclusive buffers. The second section identifies the trajectories of (non-)social investment reform that have cross-cut welfare regimes in the past two decades. Section three takes stock of the impact of the economic crisis on recent welfare state developments. The final section concludes by reflecting on the challenges and opportunities for welfare reform after the Great Recession. Most notably, it highlights how high public spending on established social protection commitments seemingly operates as a ‘productive constraint’ that accelerates social investment reform, reinforcing employment and productivity growth, to sustain popular welfare states.


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