scholarly journals THE THEATER OF A LIBERAL IRONIST: THE AMERICAN WEST AND THE FEMALE SELF IN SHEPARD’S A LIE OF MIND

2021 ◽  
Vol XII (35) ◽  
pp. 27-43
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hossein Oroskhan ◽  
Bahee Hadaegh

The formation and the establishment of the United States firmly adheres to two beliefs of the American dream and the American west. Though the American dream was part of American culture from its beginning, the other one became the driving force of American culture in the second part of the twentieth century when Sam Shepard began his career as a playwright. During this time, American theater emerged into a main arena for the presentation of the American west. Nevertheless, Shepard attempted to avoid playing with the duality of reality and illusion in his presentation of the American west when he put forward his characters to face and experience the world to then discover their selves. At the pinnacle of his success, he wrote A Lie of the Mind, a play that is filled with heroines who would leave the violent world of men to change their destinies. As such, Shepard endeavored to free their selves and flow them to experience a new world. Likewise, Shepard’s contemporary American philosopher, Richard Rorty, believed in the importance of self and the necessity of its redescription to create his ideal society. However, hopeless to find a philosophy model, he lends to literature to find his liberal ironist. On this account, the following study is not only to provide Sam Shepard as a liberal ironist in Rorty’s term but also to reveal certain puzzling features in Shepard’s A Lie of Mind, not least of which is the reason why his female characters blow the world of the American west to search for a new world.

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-38

The article introduces the creative work of the famous American playwright Sam Shepard, whose works are almost unknown to our Uzbek reader. His plays are well known throughout the world; they influenced the formation of the worldview of readers of different nations and show the peculiarities of American culture. Despite the worldwide fame of Sam Shepard’s works, they are not studied well by literary critics. In America and Europe his works have been studied in details for a long period, and even several monographs in English have been written. However, neither in the Russian speaking, nor in the domestic literary criticism there is yet no major work on Shepard's works. The article also deals with the artistic features of the political myth of the “American dream” in one of the most scandalous plays, “The God of Hell,” dedicated to the protest against the war in Iraq. Thus, this study, which touches upon some issues of Shepard's creative work in connection with his innovative artistic originality, to a certain extent, seeks to fill this gap.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-24
Author(s):  
I. V. Bocharnikov ◽  
O. A. Ovsyannikova

Тhe article reveals the main directions of transformation of the modern world order caused by the decline of the American-centric system, as well as the crisis of European integration. The main factors that determine the development of these processes, problems and prospects for the formation of a new world order at the beginning of the third decade of the XXI century are determined. The most significant aspects of the transformation of the policy of the United States and its European allies in relation to Russia are considered, and historical analogies are drawn with the processes of transformation of the world community in the XIX and XX centuries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Lloyd E. Ambrosius

One hundred years ago, on April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the First World War. Four days earlier, in his war message to Congress, he gave his rationale for declaring war against Imperial Germany and for creating a new world order. He now viewed German submarine attacks against neutral as well as belligerent shipping as a threat to the whole world, not just the United States. “The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind,” he claimed. “It is a war against all nations.” He now believed that Germany had violated the moral standards that “citizens of civilized states” should uphold. The president explained: “We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.” He focused on protecting democracy against the German regime of Kaiser Wilhelm II. “A steadfast concert for peace,” he said, “can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.” Wilson called on Congress to vote for war not just because Imperial Germany had sunk three American ships, but for the larger purpose of a new world order. He affirmed: “We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty.”


My lecture is about the diffusion of science and technology, through education, into the culture and economy of a society. As the journal Nature wrote early in 1870, ‘Education and science so naturally associate themselves in the mind that it is hardly possible to discuss the latter as independent of the former’. Here historians of science find common territory with economic and social historians, political historians, historians of education and with some eminent scientists; Lord Ashby has been a notable pioneer in the subject. Why 1870? Because it is one of the dates which form natural breaks in history books. Momentous upheavals were occurring in the power structure of the world. The Franco-Prussian War in 1870, so short, yet so far-reaching in its consequences, was followed by the unification of Germany. Italy too was unified in 1870. Japan had thrown off feudalism. The United States had just emerged from the Civil War, its unity symbolized by the opening of the first railway line linking the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans


2003 ◽  
Vol 69 (8) ◽  
pp. 5001-5005 ◽  
Author(s):  
José de la Fuente ◽  
Elizabeth J. Golsteyn Thomas ◽  
Ronald A. Van Den Bussche ◽  
Robert G. Hamilton ◽  
Elaine E. Tanaka ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT Anaplasma marginale (Rickettsiales: Anaplasmataceae), a tick-borne pathogen of cattle, is endemic in tropical and subtropical regions of the world. Although serologic tests have identified American bison, Bison bison, as being infected with A. marginale, the present study was undertaken to confirm A. marginale infection and to characterize isolates obtained from naturally infected bison in the United States and Canada. Major surface protein (MSP1a and MSP4) sequences of bison isolates were characterized in comparison with New World cattle isolates. Blood from one U.S. bison was inoculated into a susceptible, splenectomized calf, which developed acute anaplasmosis, demonstrating infectivity of this A. marginale bison isolate for cattle. The results of this study showed that these A. marginale isolates obtained from bison were similar to ones from naturally infected cattle.


Author(s):  
Hector Mackenzie

A remarkable feature of Canada’s external relations in the years between the two world wars of the twentieth century is the extent to which Canada’s conduct and speeches by its representatives on international affairs were dominated by imagery of North American harmony. Past clashes, most notably the War of 1812, or simply differences of views were forgotten or overlooked in the construction of a myth that served to justify inaction and the denial of commitments in imperial and world affairs. An aloof, unhelpful stance internationally was depicted more positively as a worthy example of peaceful attitudes and conduct. Thus, the inter-war period was dominated by rhetoric about ‘the longest undefended border in the world,’ ‘[more than a] century of peace in North America,’ and the contrast between the ‘New World’ and the ‘Old World’ in world affairs. No Canadian speech in an international forum seemed complete without some variation on these themes and without an admonition to Europeans and other miscreants to settle disputes by conciliation, negotiation and arbitration – rather than resort to war – as was the tradition in relations between Canada and the United States. This paper deals with the development, application and effect in the inter-war period of the lessons supposedly drawn from the experience and especially the aftermath of the War of 1812.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 65-69
Author(s):  
Dmitrii N. Khristenko

The article examines the foreign policy concept of the «new world order» of George Herbert Walker Bush, which he put forward during the Gulf War (1990-1991). Despite its short duration, the Middle East conflict has become a symbol of the transformation of international relations initiated by the crisis of the bipolar system and arising of the United States as the main military and political world power. Consequently, Washington sought to rethink its role in the world arena. This task was intended to solve by the concept of a «new world order». The main sources for this article were the memoirs of the former American president and James Addison Baker III (U.S. Secretary of State), documents of White House’ administration, as well as publications of «Foreign Affairs» – the most influential journal on international relations in the United States. The research methodology includes the space-time analysis of Fernand Paul Achille Braudel, historical-descriptive and historical-genetic methods. It is noted that the foreign policy concept of a «new world order» was in the centre of public attention and caused a heated discussion in the United States, as a result of which was rejected its main element – reliance on allies and the rule of international law. The attempts of Russian diplomacy to propose a corrected interpretation of the concept of a «new world order» did not meet the understanding overseas. Washington took a course towards sole leadership in the world that triggered the deterioration of the state of affairs in the world arena in the long term.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurel Tarulli

Epochs of transition keep us on the alert. They ask us to keep our eyes open upon the distant horizons, our minds listening to seize every indication that can enlighten us: reading, reflection, searching, must never stop; the mind must keep flexible in order to lose nothing, to acquire any knowledge that can aid our mission. . . . Immobility and arrested development bring decadence; a beauty, fully unfolded, is ready to perish. So, let us not rest on our beautiful past.—Janet Erskine Stuart, RSCJ, 1914The above quote from Janet Erskine Stuart of the Society of the Sacred Heart, fondly referred to as Mother Stuart, was written in 1914, at a time when the world was in turmoil. A religious congregation that has included many remarkable and forward-thinking women, the Society has a reputation for persevering and growing stronger during times of change. Born out of the French Revolution, the society was formed in France to educate children in a time when a new world was emerging. Education endures as a core value of the Society—and most importantly, the concept of educating the whole person. Indeed, the goals that guide the Society of the Sacred Heart include a deep respect for intellectual values, social awareness, and personal growth in an atmosphere of wise freedom. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-75
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Hughes

As it has spread globally, the pathogen SARS-CoV-2 (known colloquially as the coronavirus) has already caused untold suffering, with more most certainly to come. Yet as the virus afflicts, it has also encountered a range of human responses – from initial indifference and outright denial in parts of the Anglo-American West to society-wide mobilizations in much of the rest of the world. In doing so, the virus has become a sort of diagnostic tool that can reveal a lot about any body politic that it happens to enter, something we attempt to leverage in this issue’s forum through reflections from ethnographers working in both India (Dey) and the United States (Brinkworth et al., McGranahan).


Author(s):  
Jose Moya

More than 98 percent of the Brazilian population descend from people who arrived in the country, willingly or forced, during the last five centuries. French and Dutch Calvinists established colonies during the 1500s and 1600s. The Portuguese, including Jewish conversos, expelled these imperial rivals and, unlike in Portuguese India, managed to forge the Luso-Brazilian culture to which later arrivals would eventually assimilate. Close to four-tenths of the eleven million slaves trafficked across the Atlantic landed in Brazil, giving the country the largest Afro-descendant population in the world outside Nigeria. The large numbers, the traffic’s long temporal span, and the country’s close connection to Portuguese Africa infused Brazil with distinctively intense and varied African ethnic cultures that shaped both the slaves’ strategies of adaptation and resistance and the national ethos. Brazil also received over five million immigrants after its independence in 1822, most of them between the 1880s and the 1920s. Latin Europe accounted for four-fifths of the arrivals (1.8 million Portuguese, 1.5 million Italians, and 700,000 Spaniards). Others came from elsewhere in Europe and beyond, giving Brazil the largest population of Japanese descendants in the world outside Japan, the largest of Lebanese descendants outside Lebanon, and the second largest of German descendants outside Germany (after the United States). This engendered a strikingly multicultural society. Yet over a few generations, Brazil absorbed these new populations in a manner that resembles the experience of the rest of the New World. Economically, immigrants turned southern Brazil from a colonial backwater into the richest region of the country, but, in the process, they also brought racially embedded regional inequalities to the forefront.


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