Politik und Angst

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (190) ◽  
pp. 73-90
Author(s):  
Brigitte Bargetz

What are the contemporary conditions of Western modern democracies that make a politics of fear so successful at this present moment? In this article, the author analyzes the relationship between politics and fear in order to move beyond a simple instrumentalization thesis. Focusing on two perspectives: the view of state sovereignty and the phenomenon of neurosis, the author argues that the contemporary Western modern politics of fear can be understood as an expression of a crisis of state sovereignty, which becomes apparent in the nation state as well as in a new mode of political subjectivation. It is a ghostly sovereignty that finds both a form and an addressee in a neurotic subject.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Heather L. Dichter

Sport and diplomacy have been mutually intertwined in transnational networks of governance and competition—not just on the field of play—and the nongovernmental bodies controlling the sport play an important role within the relationship between soccer and diplomacy. The repeated uses of the game of soccer by so many states across the globe, spanning every continent reveals how integral the sport is to international relations. As soccer has pursued a goal of global engagement to consolidate its position as the world’s preeminent sport in the past century, it has increasingly had to reckon or negotiate with the nation-state. Simultaneously, as state sovereignty has been challenged by the constituent and much-debated forces of globalization, so have longstanding characteristics of soccer’s operation—most notably in a contested relationship between the national, regional, and international level. This introduction addresses those aspects and provides an overview of the book.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Janique Dubois

The association of sovereignty with control over territory is being challenged both internally and externally in modern societies. Demands for political autonomy from sub-state minorities undermine the natural link between nation, state and territory from within, while the movement of capital, goods and information across borders contests the relationship between these concepts from without. Scholars of international relations, law, philosophy and political science have already suggested that the sovereignty of nation-states is under attack; however, scant attention has been paid to the way in which changes in the relation between nation, state, and territory affect the normative weight associated with each of these concepts in discussions about sovereignty and self-government. The objectives of this article is to examine the way in which nation, state, sovereignty, and territory are addressed in normative justifications of indigenous self-government and to better understand how these notions are being treated in its implementation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Fatima Sabrina da Rosa ◽  
Damaris Bertuzzi

Este texto pretende discutir a relação entre migrações e a perda da soberania do estado-nação no contexto da última crise sistêmica que vem se desenvolvendo. Para tanto, utiliza como base e pano de fundo as noções de modern world-sistem de Wallerstein e de longue durée de Braudel, bem como localiza a discussão sobre o Estado na perspectiva de crise sistêmica, de Arrighi, e de pós-nacionalismo, de Appadurai. Nesse sentido, o texto é dividido em quatro partes: apresentação do problema; contexto da crise migratória e da emergência do estado-nação; crise do estado-nação moderno e, por fim, algumas considerações acerca dos efeitos dos fluxos migratórios e de capitais sobre as noções de soberania e territorialidade do Estado.Palavras-chave: Estado-nação. Migrações. Soberania. Crise sistêmica.ABSTRACTThis text intends to discuss the relationship between migrations and the nation-state sovereignty loss in the context of last systemic crisis that has been developing. For that, it uses the notions of Wallerstein about the modern world-system and Braudel’s about the longue durée as background, as well as locating the discussion about the State in the Arrighi’s perspective about the systemic crisis and Appadurai’s about the post-nationalism. In this sense, the text is divided into four parts: the presentation of the problem; the migratory crisis context and the nation-state emergence; the crisis about the modern nation-state, and finally, some considerations about the effects of migratory flows and capital on the notions of state sovereignty and territoriality.Keywords: Nation-state. Migrations. Sovereignty. Systemic crisis.


Author(s):  
Amadu Wurie Khan

This chapter explores the potential of the Internet for asylum seekers'/refugees' political agency and for challenging the boundaries of national citizenship and state sovereignty. It considers that Western governments' formulation of “restrictionist” and “assimilationist” citizenship policies and the conjoining “managerialist” approach to asylum are aimed at asserting state sovereignty and national citizenship. However, it is argued that attempts at the territorial construction of membership amounts to a “sovereignty paradox”: policies promote an international humanitarian norm of citizenship, which depends on state sovereignty for its realisation. Asylum-seeking migrants' views and practices are therefore deployed to explore the counterproductivity of the UK government's attempt to coerce would-be British citizens to have loyalty and allegiance to the nation-state. This UK case study provides empirical substantiation of asylum-seeking migrants' political agency in the West, and the resilience of state sovereignty in affirming an international humanitarian norm of citizenship. It also contributes to an understanding of asylum-seeking migrants' political agency through the Internet in holding political elites in the West accountable for their migration-citizenship policies. This perspective has been strikingly missing in the citizenship and international relations theories, particularly given the context that non-citizen asylum-seeking migrants residing in liberal democracies are a major trigger for these policies. The chapter also attempts to deconstruct the relationship between transnationalism and globalisation: a project that continues to be problematic in the academy.


Author(s):  
Shefali Virkar

Our world today is in the midst of an historical change. Globalisation and spectacular advances in technology have given us an unprecedented peek into the future: a glimpse into a highly interconnected world governed by new paradigms, where the cost of transmitting and accessing an infinite amount of information is virtually nothing, where physical boundaries no longer limit human action – in short, a world characterised by the breakdown of conventional political, social, and economic institutions and systems previously considered rock-solid; spearheaded by the rise of the Internet and its associated technologies, platforms, and applications. This book chapter attempts a critical analysis of the relationship between Globalisation, the Internet, and the State. In evaluating the arguments that present the Internet as a threat to nation-state sovereignty, the work attempts to challenge accepted wisdom; purporting instead to demonstrate that, in many cases, the Internet, far from posing any threat to the attenuation of political power, actually strengthens the hand of the nation-state.


Author(s):  
Amadu Wurie Khan

This chapter explores the potential of the Internet for asylum seekers'/refugees' political agency and for challenging the boundaries of national citizenship and state sovereignty. It considers that Western governments' formulation of “restrictionist” and “assimilationist” citizenship policies and the conjoining “managerialist” approach to asylum are aimed at asserting state sovereignty and national citizenship. However, it is argued that attempts at the territorial construction of membership amounts to a “sovereignty paradox”: policies promote an international humanitarian norm of citizenship, which depends on state sovereignty for its realisation. Asylum-seeking migrants' views and practices are therefore deployed to explore the counterproductivity of the UK government's attempt to coerce would-be British citizens to have loyalty and allegiance to the nation-state. This UK case study provides empirical substantiation of asylum-seeking migrants' political agency in the West, and the resilience of state sovereignty in affirming an international humanitarian norm of citizenship. It also contributes to an understanding of asylum-seeking migrants' political agency through the Internet in holding political elites in the West accountable for their migration-citizenship policies. This perspective has been strikingly missing in the citizenship and international relations theories, particularly given the context that non-citizen asylum-seeking migrants residing in liberal democracies are a major trigger for these policies. The chapter also attempts to deconstruct the relationship between transnationalism and globalisation: a project that continues to be problematic in the academy.


There is a growing body of evidence pointing towards rising levels of public dissatisfaction with the formal political process. Depoliticization refers to a more discrete range of contemporary strategies politicians employ that tend to remove or displace the potential for choice, collective agency, and deliberation. This book examines the relationship between these trends of dissatisfaction and displacement, as understood within the broader shift towards governance. It brings together a number of contributions from scholars who have a varied range of concerns but who nevertheless share a common interest in developing the concept of depoliticization through their engagement with a set of theoretical, conceptual, methodological, and empirical questions. The contributions in this volume explore these questions from a variety of different perspectives by using a number of different empirical examples and case studies from both within the nation state and from other regional, global, and multilevel arenas. In this context, this volume examines the limits and potential of depoliticization as a concept and its contribution to the larger and more established literatures on governance and anti-politics.


This collection brings together scholars of jurisprudence and political theory to probe the question of ‘legitimacy’. It offers discussions that interrogate the nature of legitimacy, how legitimacy is intertwined with notions of statehood, and how legitimacy reaches beyond the state into supranational institutions and international law. Chapter I considers benefit-based, merit-based, and will-based theories of state legitimacy. Chapter II examines the relationship between expertise and legitimate political authority. Chapter III attempts to make sense of John Rawls’s account of legitimacy in his later work. Chapter IV observes that state sovereignty persists, since no alternative is available, and that the success of the assortment of international organizations that challenge state sovereignty depends on their ability to attract loyalty. Chapter V argues that, to be complete, an account of a state’s legitimacy must evaluate not only its powers and its institutions, but also its officials. Chapter VI covers the rule of law and state legitimacy. Chapter VII considers the legitimation of the nation state in a post-national world. Chapter VIII contends that legitimacy beyond the state should be understood as a subject-conferred attribute of specific norms that generates no more than a duty to respect those norms. Chapter IX is a reply to critics of attempts to ground the legitimacy of suprastate institutions in constitutionalism. Chapter X examines Joseph Raz’s perfectionist liberalism. Chapter XI attempts to bring some order to debates about the legitimacy of international courts.


China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Stephen Nagy

The Indo-Pacific region is now home to at least two competing regionalism road maps, China’s Belt Road Initiative (BRI) and Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision (FOIP). Through comparing their respective development trajectories, this article examines the relationship between these two regionalisation initiatives. Key lines of enquiry include the following: Is the interaction between the BRI and the FOIP Vision reactive, proactive or both? Why has each initiative changed its trajectory? How can we characterise these competing initiatives? This article employs a regionalism matrix analysis that compares two different approaches, integration from a ‘rational-legal perspective’ with an emphasis on broad cooperation and state sovereignty from a ‘process-oriented perspective’ with a focus on exact goals. It finds that the BRI focuses on both a high degree of state sovereignty based on a ‘process-oriented perspective’ and exact cooperation. In contrast, FOIP stresses integration through a ‘rational-legal perspective’, broad cooperation and a shared rules-based order. Furthermore, there is a reactive interplay between these two regionalism frameworks that shapes their orientation and influences their focus.


2002 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-360
Author(s):  
Elmer S. Miller

Research reports on Christian missions to foreign lands have tended to focus on the relationship between missionary and native people, giving little attention to the interplay of nation-state agencies. Furthermore, the reports portray a one-way process in which the missionary gives and natives receive, although the intervention actually entails multiple agents influencing one another. This study documents the dynamic interaction among a Mennonite Mission, Argentine national and state indigenous policies, and Toba aborigines throughout the latter twentieth century. It illustrates the active role played by the Toba in reformulating both the missionary message and nation-state policy.


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