scholarly journals Die Grenze der Werttheorie

Author(s):  
Ingo Stützle

Not only Marx found the “theory of the ground rent” a hard nut to crack. The political- economic and urban sociological debates also find it a challenge - or simply assume that the ground rent is a monopoly price without giving an account of what this means for Marx’s project of critique of political economy. The so-called differential pension is still unproblematic and goes back to David Ricardo. On the other hand, the so-called absolute rent, with which Marx wanted to theoretically distance himself from Ricardo, is problematic and untenable. The article discusses three essential points of criticism of the concept and what it means conceptually and politically for Marxian value theory when it reaches its limits on the topic of the absolute rent.

2020 ◽  
pp. 5-32

The political constitution of markets is promoted by Montchrestien whereas, on the contrary, the absolute autonomy of the sphere of exchange is favoured by Cantillon. Yet, this article seeks to demonstrate that both authors also participate in the emergence of a modern way of thinking about the economy. In both cases, we find the idea that the sphere of exchange acquires an autonomy which requires the application of a specific science. In the case of Cantillon, this autonomy is absolute and anticipates the foundations of contemporary economics. On the other hand, Montchrestien’s work forms part of a “political economy”. This article also aims to show that the mercantilism attributed to Montchrestien in no way implies that, in principle, the economy when theorised as such is a simple transposition of a war-like model. Similarly, it will seek to show that Cantillon, a supposed mercantilist, does not suggest that state intervention is futile, even if he adheres to the fundamental principles of economic liberalism. This modernity has two sides, represented by these texts which present economics as a science for the first time. It will be suggested that it allows us to call into question the postmodern theses which imagine a contemporary economic world in which the classical notion of sovereignty is totally absent.


2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Magliulo

Tourism is destined to become one of the most significant socio-economic phenomena of the coming years. But it is a complex and elusive activity, which is difficult to circumscribe and measure. The relevance and complexity of the phenomenon have generated a new discipline – the economics of tourism – and many valuable textbooks. So why do we need another textbook? Perhaps because there is still a gap. The textbooks on the economics of tourism assume that the student already knows the basics of political economy, and describe the manifold dimensions of the tourist phenomenon in depth and detail. On the other hand, the political economy textbooks don't mention the tourist sector at all, and pursue an (apparently) abstract and excessively theoretical approach. Thus the student risks finding himself in a strange paradox: when he studies political economy he does not grasp the utility to be derived from that knowledge, and when he moves on to the economics of tourism he is faced by a hiatus, a chasm that is too wide. This book is designed as a little bridge, a walkway leading from political economy to the economics of tourism. Having forded the stream, the student should be able to freely clamber up the paths of the economics of tourism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
Martijn Huysmans ◽  
Christophe Crombez

AbstractThis article presents a political economic analysis of exit from federations. After the federation has formed, members’ benefits from it may be different than expected. If a member ends up not benefitting, it may wish to secede i.e. exit the federation. Based on formal models, we show how state-contingent exit penalties can induce socially efficient exit decisions: they force the secessionist member to take into account the lost benefits of the federation for the other. Even if ex-ante specified exit penalties cannot be made state-contingent, they may still enhance social welfare by preventing forceful exit. Empirical evidence concerning Montenegro, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and the EU is compatible with these claims. In spite of the simplifications inherent to any modeling exercise, we hope that our results stimulate more research into exit clauses as a means to mitigate the problem of violent secessionism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Güllistan Yarkın

When founded in 1978, the PKK defined itself as a socialist movement aiming to create a classless society through the formation of a new state-power. In the 1990s, the ideology of the PKK began to change and this transformation became apparent in the 2000s. The PKK has since completely abandoned its statist Marxist-Leninist national liberationist ideology, and has instead proposed to build “democratic modernity” through the creation of an anti-capitalist, anti-industrialist, women emancipatory and ecologist “democratic confederalism” framework. This project defines the ecologist-rural communes grounded on food sovereignty as its basic economic units. This article argues that the transformation of the PKK’s goals on the political economy of the Kurdish region is shaped by, on the one hand, the world systemic and internal restraints acting upon the PKK, and on the other hand, the ideological responses of the PKK to those restraints.Keywords: The PKK; Abdullah Öcalan; democratic modernity; democratic confederalism; anti-capitalist movements.Guherîna îdeolojîk di PKKyê de û aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî li TirkiyeyêGava di sala 1978an de hate damezrandin, PKKyê xwe wek hereketeke sosyalîst pênase kiribû û armanca xwe wisa danîbû ku civakeke bêçîn durist bike bi rêya avakirina desthilata dewleteke nû. Di salên 1990an de îdeolojiya PKKyê dest bi guherînê kir û di salên 2000an de ev guherîn pir aşkera bû. Ji hingê ve, PKKyê bi temamî dest ji îdeolojiya xwe ya Marksî-Lenînî ya azadiya neteweyî kêşaye, li batî wê, ragihandiye ku dixwaze “modernîteya demokratîk” ava bike bi rêya duristkirina çarçoveyeke “konfederaliya demokratîk” a dij-sermayedarî, dij-endûstrîgerî, jin-rizgarkerane û ekolojîk. Di vê projeyê de yekeyên aborî yên esasî ew komûnên ekolojîst-gundî ne ku li ser serbixweyiya xwe ya xurekî pêk hatine (anku ji bo bidestxistina xureka xwe ne muhtacê derve ne). Ev gotar diyar dike ku guherînên di armancên PKKyê yên li ser aboriya siyasî ya herêma kurdî, ji aliyekê ve, ji ber wan zext û berbest û mehdûdiyetên sîstemî yên global û navxweyî pêk hatine ku kar di PKKyê dikin, ji aliyê dî ve, ji ber bersivên îdeolojîk ên PKKyê ne bo wan berbest û mehdûdiyetan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 179-220
Author(s):  
John Haldon

Empires are both simple and complex, since on the one hand they are broadly identifiable through a small number of key elements in common, yet on the other hand, no single “version” of empire exists. The political economy of traditional empires can be approached through certain key features, even if their forms and their “cultural geography” vary widely—in particular, the acquisition of and control over resources, and the closely associated issue of how rulers or governments maintain control over those who manage resources on their behalf. Understanding these entails analysis of many other features, including the ways in which central and local elites were formed or transformed and the ways in which identities and loyalties evolved or were created, compromised, or transformed to generate what we might call “imperial capital” (in kind and in ideas). Their importance is crucial to understanding how empires rise, reproduce themselves, and fail or transform.


Author(s):  
Tom Wagner

This chapter explores how the music creators group Fair Trade Music International (FTMI) applies the ethos and methods of Fair Trade in attempts to reform how, and how much, music creators are paid for digital music sales. The term “Fair Trade” has since the 1980s become synonymous with “ethical consumerism,” a set of ideals and practices that seek to mitigate the deleterious effects of “unethical” capitalism. Yet the overall effects of “ethical consumerism” itself are debatable: on the one hand, it often improves the material conditions of producers, especially in the “global south.” On the other hand, it does so within—and therefore reinforces—the existing political-economic structures that produce what it seeks to mitigate. How does this paradox manifest in the context of digital music sales?


2009 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-143
Author(s):  
Bernadette Collenberg-Plotnikov

›Ikonen‹ sind heute nicht mehr nur die Ikonen der christlichen Kirche, sondern vor allem die Ikonen der modernen Massenkultur. Beide Arten von Ikonen werden in der neueren Kunstreflexion aufgegriffen: Kunst gilt entweder, verstanden als Erbin der religiösen Ikone, als Phänomen, das Absolutes in singulärer Weise anschaulich er- fahrbar macht. Oder aber die Kunst gilt umgekehrt lediglich als Klasse in der Welt der säkularen Ikonen. Demgegenüber wird im Beitrag erstens die These vertretenwerden, daß die neuere Kunst sowohl Aspekte transzendenter als auch immanenter Ikonen umfaßt. Zugleich ist es aber, so die zweite These, für unser Kunstverständnis charakteristisch, ein theoretisches Kontrastverhältnis zwischen Kunst und Ikone an- zunehmen. Dieses gründet auf einer spezifischen Reflexivität der Kunst, durch die sie sich von der Ikone beiderlei Art kategorial unterscheidet. Today, the word ›icon‹ usually no longer refers to the icons of the Christian church, but to the icons of the modern mass-culture. Both sorts of icons play a key-role in the recent discussion about art: Either art is supposed to be a descendant of the religious icon, a phenomenon that gives us a singular visual experience of the Absolute. On the other hand, art is supposed to be just one class among others in the wide world of the secular icons. In contrast to these two positions this essay contends that modern art comprehends aspects of transcendent as well as of immanent icons. Furthermore, it argues that at the same time it is characteristic for our notion of art to suppose a contrast between art and icon. This contrast is based on a specific reflectivity of art, which marks a categorical difference between art and both sorts of icons.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.


1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Axel Pedersen ◽  
Kristoffer Albris ◽  
Nick Seaver

Attention has become an issue of intense political, economic, and moral concern over recent years: from the commodification of attention by digital platforms to the alleged loss of the attentional capacities of screen-addicted children (and their parents). While attention has rarely been an explicit focus of anthropological inquiry, it has still played an important if mostly tacit part in many anthropological debates and subfields. Focusing on anthropological scholarship on digital worlds and ritual forms, we review resources for colleagues interested in this burgeoning topic of research and identify potential avenues for an incipient anthropology of attention, which studies how attentional technologies and techniques mold human minds and bodies in more or less intentional ways. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Anthropology, Volume 50 is October 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.


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