scholarly journals HAK KONSTITUSIONAL PENGUSULAN PASANGAN CALON PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN DALAM SISTEM PEMILIHAN UMUM DI INDONESIA

Al-Qadha ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Irwansyah

Political parties in the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the law have constitutionalrights to propose candidates for President and Deputy President. The current electoral systemrequires that before nominating the President and Vice President, political parties must have 20percent of the vote in the legislature / DPR or obtain 25 percent of the national legitimate votes inthe previous general election. With the implementation of this system, not all political parties canpropose candidates for President and Vice President candidates. Then what is the fate of the partythat does not achieve this provision even the new party which is also the first time participating inthe general election. With the application of the nomination threshold in the electoral system inIndonesia, it will certainly restrict or limit the constitutional rights of political parties that do not meet the desired conditions of the threshold

Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 01001
Author(s):  
Budiman N.P.D Sinaga ◽  
Sahat H.M.T Sinaga

In the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia, there is an order to further regulate in the Law such as the general election that has been enacted Law No. 7/ 2017 on General Election. In its Law, the results of the general election is merely a dispute over the result of the general election regarding the determination of the vote which may affect the election participants’ seats and the President and Vice President election results. The objective of this paper is to find out the legal consequences of the provisions of the law which reduce the authority of state institutions that have been regulated in the 1945 Constitution. The approach of this research is status approach that will be used by examining the laws and regulations relating to the problem. The provisions of the Law on General Elections can be said to have reduced the authority of the Constitutional Court granted the Constitution. There should be strong grounds for an amendment to this provision it can be done immediately by the House of Representatives and the President. Testing by the Constitutional Court may be done but it is better through changes by the House of Representatives and the President.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Ngurah Agung Wira Bima Wikrama

Political parties are the only institution that has the right to propose candi- dates for president and vice president as stipulated in Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution so that they will have power and legitimacy as heads of state and heads of government. These constitutional rights are not owned by any democratic institution other than political parties. However, in the process of holding the general election, it does not always go as expected, as stated in the KPU’s laws and regulations. There were irregulari- ties committed by candidates and by political parties in the form of Money Politics.According to the political dowry event is in the general election area based on the legal principle of Lex specialis derogat legimitation generaly which states that the law is specific (lex specialis) overrides the general law (lex generalis) the Money Politic event is resolved by an institution, namely Bawaslu (General Election Supervisory Board).Besides the Article 6A paragraph 2 of the 1945, there is also Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the Second Amendment of Law No. 1 in 2015 concerning the stipulation of Perppu (the governmental regulation of low amandement) Number 1 in 2014 according to the governor’s election, regents and mayors, especially in Article 47, Article 187A,Article 187B, Article 187C and Article 187D which regulates general elections. But in reality there are many irregularities in the implementation of the Constitution and etc.Events in the form of political dowry still occured which is evidenced by the infor- mation given by several witnesses and as the victim and perpetrator of the political dowry. Surprisingly, the General Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) as an election watchdog institution mandated by the Act to enforce the prevailing regulations is very difficult to carry out its duties, reminding that Bawaslu has weaknesses in handling the alleged polit- ical dowry. The weakness of Bawaslu is that they do not have the power to take witnesses or people who will be questioned.The author argues that there is a need for a legal protection in the form of a law that provides better opportunities to Bawaslu so that the position of Bawaslu as an election supervisory bord can be much stronger.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-171
Author(s):  
Yuniar Riza Hakiki

This article discusses the relevance of the for nominating the President and Vice President through the individual based on the principles of rule of law and democracy in Indonesia. Article 6A paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia restricts the nomination of the President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in a way that it can only be proposedby political parties or a combination of political parties. In other words, it limits individual candidate. As a country that adheres to the principles of the rule of law and democracy, various channels of democracy as a means of actively participating in politics must naturally be open widely. Therefore, the recruitment system for the positions of President and Vice President needs to be redesigned in line with principles of rule of law and democracy in Indonesia. This article concludes that the idea of ​​the for nominating the President and Vice President through the individual channels is by the principles of the rule of law and democracy, which is at least proven by the four arguments based on of the rule of law principles and democracy. First, guaranteeing the constitutional rights of citizens in political field. Second, guaranteeingself-actualization of citizens in political life independently (without being mobilized). Third, guaranteeing political recruitment to fill positions holding the state openly. Fourth, guarantee that the constitutional-based government is accommodative and remains organized according to law. Abstrak Artikel ini membahas relevansi pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui jalur perseorangan atas dasar prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi di Indonesia. Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD NRI 1945 membatasi pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia yaitu hanya dapat diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik. Hal itu menutup kesempatan pencalonan dari jalur perseorangan. Sebagai negara yang menganut prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi, berbagai kanal demokrasi sebagai sarana berpartisipasi politik secara aktif dalam pemerintahan tentu harus terbuka lebar. Oleh karenanya, rekrutmen jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden ini perlu didesain ulang agar lebih akomodatif dan selaras dengan prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi Indonesia. Artikel ini menyimpulkan bahwa gagasan pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui jalur perseorangan berkesesuaian dengan prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi, yang setidaknya dibuktikan dengan empat argumen yang merujuk prinsip negara hukum dan demokrasi. Pertama, menjamin hak konstitusional warga negara di bidang politik. Kedua, menjamin aktualisasi diri warga negara dalam kehidupan politik secara mandiri (tanpa digerakkan). Ketiga, menjamin rekrutmen politik untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan penyelenggaran negara secara terbuka. Keempat, menjamin pemerintahan yang berdasarkan konstitusi secara akomodatif berdasarkan hukum.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-352
Author(s):  
Ahmad Farhan Subhi

Abstract : Nomination of the Candidate Pair of President and Vice President For Participants Election According to the Presidential Election Law. Knowing the legal position of the candidates for President and Vice-President and the Political Parties Elections, namely Knowing setting Political Parties in the nomination of the Candidate Election of President and Vice-President and the timing of the nomination of the candidate of President and Vice President based on legal analysis. It is motivated by the lack of rules regarding the nomination of candidates for President and Vice President of the Law No. 42 Year 2008 on the General Election of President and Vice President, namely in the norm of Article 9 and Article 14 paragraph (2) which do not conform to the norms of Section 22E paragraph (3) and the norm of Article 6A paragraph (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (the 1945 NRI 1945).  Abstrak : Pengusulan Pasangan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Sebagai Peserta Pemilu Menurut Undang-Undang Pilpres. Mengetahui kedudukan hukum calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dan Partai Politik Peserta Pemilu, yakni Mengetahui pengaturan Partai Politik Peserta Pemilu dalam pengusulan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dan pengaturan waktu pengusulan Calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden berdasarkan analisa hukum. Hal tersebut dilatar belakangi oleh adanya aturan mengenai pengusulan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 42 Tahun 2008 Tentang Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, yakni di dalam norma Pasal 9 dan Pasal 14 ayat (2) yang tidak sesuai dengan norma Pasal 22E ayat (3) dan norma Pasal 6A ayat (2) Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 (UUD NRI 1945).  DOI: 10.15408/jch.v2i2.2324


Author(s):  
Fiona Buckley ◽  
Mary Brennan

This chapter considers the implementation and effect of legislative gender quotas in the 2016 general election, a first for Ireland and a first for the proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote electoral system (PR-STV). It focuses on political parties and examines how they integrated the formal gender quota law into their candidate selection processes. Particular attention is paid to whether the law changed existing candidate selection practices, many of which are guided by informal candidate selection norms, such as a preference for incumbents and those exhibiting localist traits. The chapter concludes that the gender quota law did engender change in the candidate recruitment, selection, and election of women, but, as scholars of feminist institutionalism would describe, the change was ‘nested’ and ‘bounded’ within existing practices surrounding candidate selection, thereby denting but not dismantling the gendered norms of this process.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-264
Author(s):  
Mahesa Rannie

Throughout its history, Indonesia has held general elections many times from 1955 to 2019. During that long period of time, Indonesia implemented a different electoral system at each election. The arrangement of the electoral system in Indonesia always changes from time to time in each election administration. In the process of changing the laws and the regulations for every election, there has always been legal political dynamics. After the 2014 elections, there have been changes regarding the conduct of elections in Indonesia. The Constitutional Court (MK) granted the petition for a judicial review of Law Number 42 of 2008 concerning the Election of President and Vice President in 2014, so that the implementation of elections in Indonesia entered a new phase in 2019 and beyond. In 2019, for the first time Indonesia held simultaneous elections. The methodology used in this study is normative. The approaches used in this study are the historical approach, the statute approach, the legal analysis approach, and the conceptual approach. Legal arrangements regarding the conduct of elections always change, starting from the highest level of legislative regulations to the lowest (from the laws to the General Election Commission regulations, presidential decrees, ministerial regulations, or other regulations). The changes in the regulations regarding the implementation of elections in Indonesia have been present since the time of the 1955 elections until the 2019 elections. Since the implementation of the 1955 elections, Indonesia has always practiced a proportional electoral system, the electoral system that is considered suitable to be applied in Indonesia. This proportional electoral system is practiced with various modifications (both the open proportional electoral system and the closed proportional system). There are even district elements in the proportional electoral system in Indonesia, for example there are electoral districts that can be equated with districts in the district electoral system. The practice of the electoral system to be used in the elections in Indonesia is almost always subject to debate, both among constitutional law intellectuals and politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bagus Anwar Hidayatulloh

Abstrak Implikasi putusan mahkamah konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan paspor dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden dalam kerangka menjamin hak memilih dalam pemilihan umum. Terkait dengan ini maka memunculkan permasalahan terkait implikasinya. Bagaimana implikasi baik secara langsung maupun tidak langsung putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terkait penggunaan KTP dan Paspor dalam pemilihan umum. Mahkamah Konstitusi sebagai lembaga pelaksana kekuasaan kehakiman yang salah satu kewenangannya adalah menguji Undang-Undang terhadap UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945 dalam rangka mewujudkan negara demokrasi yang berdasarkan hukum sebagaimana termaktub dalam Pasal 1 UUD Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Hasilnya adalah implikasi langsung yang terdiri dari penerapan KTP dan Paspor sebagai ganti DPT, Memunculkan putusan yang bersifat self executing, mengesampingkan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-undang, mengesampingkan keputusan dan peraturan KPU terkait aturan baru akibat putusan MK dan Implikasi tidak langsung yang terdiri dari Mengurangi terjadinya perselisihan hasil Pemilihan Umum Presiden, KPU bekerja ekstra. Tujuan ke depan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui dan memberikan sumbangsih dalam dunia akademik terutama terkait tentang penjaminan hak asasi manusia terutama hak memilih dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kajian peraturan perundang-undangan yang sesuai dengan metode ilmu hukum. Kata Kunci: Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, Pemilu, Kartu Tanda Penduduk Abstract The implications of the constitutional court's decision regarding the use of resident identity cards and passports in the election of president and vice president in the framework of guaranteeing the right to vote in general elections. Related to this, problems arise regarding their implications. What are the implications of either directly or indirectly the decision of the Constitutional Court regarding the use of Identity Cards and Passports in general elections. The Constitutional Court as the executing agency of judicial power whose authority is to examine the Law against the State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945 in order to realize a democratic state based on law as stipulated in Article 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia of 1945. The result is implications directly consisting of the application of Identity Cards and Passports in lieu of the Permanent Voters List, Raising decisions that are self-executing, overriding Government Regulations Substituting the Law, overriding the decisions and regulations of the General Election Commission regarding new rules due to the Constitutional Court ruling and indirect implications consisting of Reducing the disputes over the results of the Presidential General Election, the Election Commission works extra. The future goal of this research is to know and contribute in the academic world, especially related to guaranteeing human rights, especially the right to vote in the presidential and vice presidential elections. This study uses the method of reviewing legislation in accordance with the method of law. Keywords: Decision of the Constitutional Court, Election, Identity Card


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Widya Hartati ◽  
Ratna Yuniarti

 This study discusses the implementation of the State namely the election of President and Vice President through the general election process (Election). Election is a peaceful process of changing power carried out in accordance with the principles outlined in the constitution. On the other hand, the implementation is not yet democratic and of good quality. This research is a normative legal research, and uses descriptive qualitative analysis. The results of this study indicate that the mechanism for nominating and filling the positions of President and Vice President, is considered still contrary to the principle of popular sovereignty, unconstitutional, violating the principles of democracy and the constitutional rights of political parties and citizens. The mechanism for nominating and filling the positions of President and Vice President will be more democratic if, carried out through political parties and individual channels. For the nomination of the President and Vice President of the Individual Track, in the 2019 simultaneous elections, not a single candidate had passed through the requirements. On the other hand the great expectations of the people so that the Indonesian General Election can be more democratic and the leaders produced are truly from the people, by the people, for the people. Representation through political parties and individual candidates is one mechanism in producing quality leaders.Keywords: constitutional, democratic, presidential election and vice presidentABSTRAKPenelitian ini membahas tentang penyelenggaraan Negara yaitu pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden melalui proses pemilihan umum (Pemilu). Pemilu merupakan proses pergantian kekuasaan secara damai yang dilakukan sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip yang digariskan oleh konstitusi. Disisi lain, pelaksanaannya belum demokratis dan berkualitas. Penelitian ini merupakan penelitian hukum normatif, dan menggunakan analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa mekanisme pencalonan dan pengisian jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden, dinilai masih bertentangan dengan prinsip kedaulatan rakyat, inkonstitusional, melanggar prinsip-prinsip demokrasi dan hak-hak konstitusional partai politik maupun warga negara. Mekanisme pencalonan dan pengisian jabatan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden akan lebih demokratis bila, dilakukan melalui jalur partai politik dan jalur perseorangan. Untuk pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Jalur Perseorangan, pada pemilu serentak tahun 2019, belum ada satu calon pun yang berhasil lolos melalui persyaratan. Disisi lain besar harapan rakyat agar Pemilihan Umum Indonesia bisa lebih demokratis dan pemimpin yang dihasilkan benar-benar dari rakyat, oleh rakyat, untuk rakyat. Keterwakilan melalui partai politik dan calon perseorangan merupakan salah satu mekanisme dalam menghasilkan pemimpin yang berkualitas.Kata kunci: demokratis, konstitusional, pemilu presiden dan wapres


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Yuliati

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol  but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising. 


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