scholarly journals The Changing of Political Orientation of Masyumi Party During 1950-1959

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Alfi Hafidh Ishaqro ◽  
Alamsyah Alamsyah ◽  
Dewi Yuliati

Through historical method, this article studies the Shifts in Political Ideological Orientation of Masyumi Party during the Liberal Democracy Era 1950–1959. The shifted orientations of Masyumi Party included a shif of orientation in its principle, form of government and the government executive system.The establishment of Masyumi Party was the apex of the Japanese concern in trying to map the axis of the powers of various groups in Indonesia. The formations of PUTERA, which bore the nationalist inclination and MIAI, which tended to accommodate urban Muslims were not attractive enough to win the hearts and empathy from the Indonesian native communities for its occupation in Indonesia. Masyumi Party made Islam as a its struggling principle, not only as a symbol  but also tha ideology and spirits in conducting the various siyasah preaches within the scope of political struggles. Numerous internal dynamics were then occuring in the body Masymi Party. The Party’s change in its orientation began to be visible, indicated by the idea suggested by M. Natsir to formulate the Constitution or Law of General Election.The formation of the General Election Law made M. Natsir and Masyumi the symbol of the establishment and growth of democracy in the Republic of Indonesia, which became more evident when M. Natsir was ousted and the subsequent working cabinet heads failed to hold a General Election. And finally, at the end of 1955 under the leadership of Burhanuddin Harahap, who was himself a Masyumi figure, a general election was held for the first time. The political attitude shown by Masyumi indicated that Masumi Party had shifted its political orientation. Masyumi Party, which originally struggled to implement Islam by employing the Syura in forming a government was helplessly compromising its principle by following and combining itself into a democracy model the initiator of which was the leader of Masyumi Party itself. Such political behavioral changes were associated with the reasoning of the then leaders of Masyumi Party, who tended to accommodative and excessively compromising. 

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (01) ◽  
pp. 112-135
Author(s):  
Sri Warjiyati

Abstract: This article discusses the individual candidate in the general election of regional head in political jurisprudence perspective. Before the Mahkamah Konstitusi’s decision No. 5/PUU-V/2007 pointed out, the individual candidate could have enter the two political institutions; first, in the 2004 general election, the individual candidate competed to get into the institution of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia; second, Undang-Undang No. 11 tahun 2006 regarding with the Government of Aceh where the individual candidate could compete with the candidates promoted by the national political party in electing the regional head in all over Aceh. The decision of Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 5/PUU-V/ means that the local head election held in various regions can include the individual independent candidate. In political jurisprudence perspective, mechanism of the individual candidacy in the election has already in accordance with the concept of maslahah al-‘ammah ie. hifdz al-ummah.  In this case, any of the individual independent candidates who nominate themselves as the regional head cannot be discriminated and they deserve the right to nominate to be in line with the Mahkamah Konstitusi’s decision.Keywords: Candidate, individual, local election, jurisprudence, siyasah


Al-Qadha ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-29
Author(s):  
Faisal

The journey of the Religious Courts that has been passed in such a long period oftime means that we are talking about the past, namely the history of the Religious Courts.With the entry of Islam into Indonesia, which for the first time in the first century Hijri (1 H /7 AD) brought directly from Arabia by merchants from Mecca and Medina, the communitybegan to implement the teachings and rules of Islamic religion in everyday life. The ReligiousCourt is one of the Special Courts under the authority of the Supreme Court as the highestcourt in the Republic of Indonesia. As an Islamic Judiciary that had been established longbefore Indonesia's independence, the Religious Courts certainly could not be separated fromthe changes that occurred considering the reign of the Government of Indonesia had been heldby various people with different backgrounds, politics and goals, surely it would have animpact on the existence Religious Courts both materially and immaterially, including duringthe Dutch and Japanese colonial rule in Indonesia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-61
Author(s):  
Taqiyuddin Faranis ◽  
Husni Djalil ◽  
Mahdi Syabandir

Pasal 60 ayat (4) Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2006 tentang Pemerintah Aceh dinyatakan bahwa masa kerja Panitia Pengawas Pemilihan (Panwaslih) berakhir 3 (tiga) bulan setelah pelantikan kepala daerah tepilih, sementara dalam regulasi yuridis lainnya khususnya Undang-Undang Nomor 15 Tahun 2011 tentang Penyelenggara Pemilihan Umum dan Pemilihan menegaskan berakhir paling lambat 2 (dua) bulan setelah seluruh tahapan penyelenggaraan Pemilihan Umum selesai. Ketua Badan Pengawas Pemilihan Umum (Bawaslu) Republik Indonesia mengeluarkan Surat Edaran Nomor: 0240/K.Bawaslu/TU.0001/III/2017 tentang Penegasan Masa Tugas Lembaga Pengawas Pemilihan Umum Ad Hoc dalam Rangka Pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil, Bupati dan Wakil Bupati dan/atau Walikota dan Wakil Walikota Tahun 2017. Surat Edaran tersebut disimpulkan bahwa masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh berakhir pada bulan Mei bagi daerah yang terdapat penyelesaian sengketa di Mahkamah Konstitusi dan bulan Juni bagi daerah yang vakum sengketa. Hal ini mengakibatkan ketidakpastian hukum bagi penyelenggara Pemilihan Kepala Daerah dan menimbulkan kegaduhan dalam internal Panwaslih di Aceh. Penelitian ini mengkaji bagaimanakah kedudukan dan  kekuatan hukum Surat Edaran Bawaslu, mengkaji kepastian hukum masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh atas keputusan Bawaslu Republik Indonesia yang telah mengeluarkan Surat Edaran yang dijadikan rujukan Pemerintah Aceh untuk merevisi Peraturan Gubernur sebelumnya mengenai masa kerja Panwaslih di Aceh. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah penelitian normatif atau penelitian hukum kepustakaan.The article 60 paragraph (4) of the Act Number 11, 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh stated that the working period of the Election Committee ends 3 (three) months after the inauguration of the elected regional head, while in other juridical regulations especially the Act Number 15, 2011 concerning the General Election Organizer and the Election stipulates to expire no later than 2 (two) months after all stages of the election are completed. Chairman of the Election Supervisory has issued the Circular Letter Number: 0240/K.Bawaslu/TU.0001/III/2017 on the Affirmation of Ad Hoc Election Observer Period of Governor and Deputy Regent, Deputy Regent and Deputy Regent, and or Mayor and Deputy Mayor 2017. Based on the Circular Letter, it states that the working period of the Committee in Aceh ends in May for the area where there is a dispute resolution at the Constitutional Court and in June for the vacuum of the dispute. This has resulted in legal uncertainty for the election organizers and caused frenzy within the internal the Election Advisory in Aceh. This research aims to explore the position and legal power of the Election Supervisory Board Circular Letter, to review the legal certainty of the working period of the Election Committee in Aceh on the decision of General Election Supervisory Board of the Republic Indonesia which has issued a Circular Letter as the reference of the Government of Aceh to revise the previous Governor Regulation concerning the working period of the committee in Aceh. This is doctrinal legal research or library research.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 133-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Podolak

Parliament is the body of legislative power and, along with the government and the head of state, it plays the most important role in the state. The article concerns the analysis of the parliamentary institutions in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Kosovo, the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Macedonia. The method used in the study was a system analysis and a comparative method, thanks to which we can see the similarities and differences in the functioning of the parliaments. In the analyzed countries, parliaments are subjects that influence political processes and the creation of law. The creators of the constitution had to take into account the traditions of parliamentarism as well as the complicated nationality situation in the countries.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (11) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Murat Jashari

Political accountability is the most specific type of social accountability for the fact that it lacks a normative legal aspect and that it derives mainly from the behavior, not from an opportunistic attitude or disclosure of specific subject in relation to the expectations of the body or institution or the relevant electoral body. Political accountability is the conditio sine quo non (indispensable condition) to a democratic system of government. Hence the Kosovo Government on the merits of the constitutional aspect has accepted this institute. It is precisely this institute of political accountability that will be the topic of this paper taking into account the responsibilities of the executive government in relation to the legislative, as well as the political accountability of those elected in relation to the voters. The accountability of the President will be treated in the framework of constitutional accountability, and that of the Government in the framework of parliamentary accountability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayub Muksin

<p>The Republic of Indonesia since 1945 when it proclaimed its independent from the Dutch colonialism adopted democracy as political system. In its political development, democracy in Indonesia had many names or label. From 1945 until 1959, the Republic of Indonesia adopted and implemented which   is commonly known as Liberal Democracy. During the period of 1945 – 1959, the government of Indonesia held  successfully general election with 39 political parties as well as mass organization and group of constituens which all together 100 participants in the general election. From 1959 until 1966, democracy which was took on called Guided Democracy.During this period there was no general election eventhough some political parties were permitted to exist by the current rezime . The rezime was of the opinion that the Indonesian people was not ready yet for carrying out generah election. After aborted Communist coup d’etat at 30 September 1965, new government arised, and they called their government as New Order or Orba in Bahasa Indonesia. The new order remained to adopt democracy in political system which was labelled as Democracy Pancasila, referred to the nation and state philosophy. The new order government organized six  times general election which was held in 1971 1977, 1982, 1987, 1992 and 1997. In general election 1973 there was  10 political parties and 1 mass organization called Golkar, formed by government as main political power of Orba. Since 1977 the election participants were only two parties, the United Party for Development (PPP), the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and Golkar. Then Golkar developed as hegemonic party, ardent and strong supporter to the Orba government, and always winning  in every general election. When Reformation Era came in 1998, the reformation government named its democracy as Demokrasi Reformasi, and as of 1998 until now, had successfully organized 4(four) times general elections with its participants fluctuated.  In 1999’s general election the participants was 48 political parties, 2004’ election was 24 parties, 2009’ s election was 38 parties, 2014’ general election was 12 parties. For 2019’ s general election, 16 parties was declared by the General Election Commission  or KPU as participants nationally.</p><p>From theoretical perspectives on democracy, whatever labelled or named, democracy implemented  in Indonesia  formally as DEMOCRACY.</p><p>Key words : Democracy. Political Parties, General Election.</p>


Al-Qadha ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-79
Author(s):  
Irwansyah

Political parties in the constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the law have constitutionalrights to propose candidates for President and Deputy President. The current electoral systemrequires that before nominating the President and Vice President, political parties must have 20percent of the vote in the legislature / DPR or obtain 25 percent of the national legitimate votes inthe previous general election. With the implementation of this system, not all political parties canpropose candidates for President and Vice President candidates. Then what is the fate of the partythat does not achieve this provision even the new party which is also the first time participating inthe general election. With the application of the nomination threshold in the electoral system inIndonesia, it will certainly restrict or limit the constitutional rights of political parties that do not meet the desired conditions of the threshold


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-34
Author(s):  
Syailendra Anantya Prawira

General Elections are the embodiments of the mandate stipulated in the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Article 1 paragraph (2) which affirms that "sovereignty is in the hands of the people and carried out according to the Constitution". The Formulation Document that will be formulated in the research are: (1) What is the violation in the general election? And (2) What is law enforcement in general election. The method used in this study is normative legal research, normative legal research methods or library law research methods are methods or procedures that are used in legal research by examining existing library material. Election violations constitute acts prohibited by the Election Law against election organizers resulting in the imposition of sanctions for violations. The enactment of Law Number 7 Year 2017 on General Elections provides for different types of violations, disputes, criminal offenses and electoral disputes. The crime of elections is a criminal offense punishable by a particular punishment based on the criminal justice system. The purpose of election is to carry out popular sovereignty and the realization of the political rights of the people to produce leaders who will occupy important positions in the government.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-144
Author(s):  
Adisthy Regina ◽  
Andi Suwirta

The main problem discussed in this study, “how was the role of Sudharmono in leading the Golongan Karya (1983-1988)”. The research method used was the historical method including heuristics, source criticism, interpretation, and historiography. Based on result’s study, Sudharmono was Soeharto’s right-hand man in New Order’s era. This proven with the candidacy of Sudharmono as Golkar Chairman from 1983-1988, that was directly elected by Soeharto. Sudharmono was a figure who contributed to Golkar’s progress in the New Order (1983-1988). Sudharmono was a Chairman from civilian,however, he could take Golkar to maximum advancement. These advancements were made because Sudharmono had taken formal and non-formal education with tremendously well. His great accomplishments made Sudharmono become a figurewho could work more. Sudharmono has made Golkar better through his policy called Tri Sukses Golkar, such as Sukses Konsolidasi, Sukses Repelita IV and Sukses Pemilu 1987, as well as General Assembly of MPR 1988. The policy that made by Sudharmonohave connectedness because if consolidation succeeded, it would affect success for other policy namely Repelita and the General Election of 1987. A great victory of Golkar in General Election of 1987, had succeeded made Sudharmono became the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia in 1988. This accomplishment became a threat to Soeharto because he could replace him from the presidency position. To prevent such action, Soeharto forbade Sudharmono to proposed back to became Golkar’s Chairman for 1988-1993 period.


Author(s):  
S. Amirulkamar ◽  
Ismail

The Government system of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia according to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia recognizes and respects special or special regional government units (Special in the Religious Field, Special in the Field of Education and Special in the Customary Field) regulated by Constitution. In this case the Regional People's Representative Council (DPRD), which is abbreviated as DPRD, but names Aceh as a Provincial Region in the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia system based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and the title of elected government official will be determined by the DPRA after the 2009 general election. This is only a change in the legal nomenclature with the status remains in the position of Aceh Privileges. This long journey is the existence of the Council community in the formation of the Regional Qanun in the Aceh Parliament in the form of a legislative body as one of the tools of the DPRA that manages the formation of the Regional Qanun which is carried out jointly with the Regional Head. This is done with the delegation of government authority to the Regional Regions as a political tool in the struggle for human rights and the rights of social aspirations, as well as the Aceh People's Representative Council or the Aceh DPR as a nomenclature of legislative institutions in regions that have legitimated importance in governance. The regulation of laws and regulations in Indonesia as a constitutional basis for the 1945 Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia article 18B paragraph (1) states that "the State recognizes and respects special or special regional government units that are regulated by laws invite.


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