scholarly journals ACTIVITIES OF POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE LOCAL LEVEL AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON DEMOCRATIZATION

Author(s):  
G. Starykova
Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Nyamnjoh ◽  
Michael Rowlands

The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
Author(s):  
Amirul Mustofa

Political reform has occurred in Indonesia, namely when the regime transition of power from the old order to new order, and when the transition toward the new order has yet to reform the order form is of very local government councils. Local government councils according to the opinion of the writer has never showed good political performance, they simply just as political actors who seek personal gain or rent seeking, either the status quo as well as rent-seeking hunters.In connection with these conditions the local government councils is a form of democracy at local government level is very importance role in accommodating the aspirations of the community and promote development at the local level. Referring to this idea the authors approach the study of reform as the basic options that can be found those items essential for local government reform towards a quality council. Variables of important reforms that opinion writer are:  minimize the number of political parties; amendment to the constitution need to be rethinking;political education to be a prerequisite determination of local government councils; and scope of work development of local government council.Key words: local government councils, policy reform, political parties


2021 ◽  
pp. 197-210
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Trukhachev ◽  

The authorities of the Prague 6 district took down the monument to Marshal Konev, who liberated the Czech capital in May 1945. Russia could not prevent this, because the monument was not subject to an intergovernmental agreement. The laws of the Czech Republic allow municipal authorities to decide the fate of monuments standing on their territory. The actions of Czech politicians on a regional level appeared to demonstrate profound ingratitude in the eyes of many people - some condemned the politicians in the sharpest possible terms, but others supported and praised the decision. Representatives of the majority of political parties represented in the Czech Parliament, as well as the country's President Miloš Zeman, spoke on the topic. The “bronze Marshal” became a victim of Czech internal political disputes over relations with Russia. There is no state-level “war” against monuments to Red Army soldiers in the Czech Republic. However, decisions to remove them have been taken several times at local level.


Author(s):  
Anders Lidström

Although Swedish local government shares a set of traits that are common to all other European local government systems, it stands out, in many respects, as unique. The particular combination of local responsibility for costly tax-financed national welfare policies, strong and mainly nationally organized political parties at local level, consistent decision-making collectivism, and a type of representative democracy that leaves little room for means of direct democracy make Sweden different. These features are intertwined, reflecting core values of the Scandinavian welfare model. Although many of them have been challenged during recent decades, popular support for the welfare system remains strong.


Subject The weakness of state and local level institutions is encouraging more intervention from Mexico City. Significance With twelve Mexican states set to go to the polls on June 5, and a thirteenth holding elections on July 3, longstanding concerns regarding the risk of criminal infiltration in local governments have returned to the fore. Beyond the political manipulation of alleged political-criminal links, political actors appear increasingly aware of their vulnerability to threats, intimidation and physical attack. Impacts How federal and local authorities manage criminal threats will be central to the outcome of the forthcoming elections. Candidate screening will be ineffective as long as federal authorities and political parties are both reluctant to lead the process. Politically motivated intervention will worsen, with all parties using criminal accusations to smear or disqualify other candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1 (25)) ◽  
pp. 125-130
Author(s):  
Alexey V. Sharapov

On September 8, 2019, a single voting day was held. Elections were held mainly at the local level in a difficult socio-economic situation. The effectiveness of the parties in the pre-election period is represented by three ratings. It should be noted that the elections did not bring sensations, and there were no new political players. The United Russia party received a significant majority of parliamentary mandates and heads of rural settlements. The turnout turned out to be average.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 441-449
Author(s):  
Nurlaina Nurlaina ◽  
Muryanto Amin ◽  
Warjio Warjio

This research explains the change in the nomination quota for members of the Provincial DPRD (DPRA) and Regency / City DPRD (DPRK) members for local political parties in the 2019 Election in Aceh Province from a quota of 100 percent to 120 percent based on the number of seats that have been assigned to each electoral district, because the provisions of the LoGA stipulated in the Aceh Qanun are different from the national provisions. The change in the quota cannot be separated from the influence of requests made by DPRA members who are cadres of one of the local political parties. As a political actor at the local level, this request is supported by various motives. To analyze motives, the researchers looked at the reasons local actors asked for changes in nomination quotas. This research is a type of qualitative research by collecting data through interviews, observation and library data, then the data that has been obtained is analyzed by content. Research findings show that actors use an integrative model to get special treatment for local political parties in the 2019 elections, actor actions in achieving preferences, interactions between institutions and instruments or institutional rules, it is found that apart from maintaining the specificity of Aceh, the request for a 120 percent quota for political parties is found. The local background is also motivated by the motive of the interests of actors and their groups, namely becoming incumbent candidates and accommodating many candidates for DPRA and DPRK candidates from the Aceh Party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. PROOFREAD
Author(s):  
Mukhrijal Mukhrijal ◽  
Saddam Rassanjani ◽  
Herizal Herizal ◽  
Afrijal Afrijal

Partai Aceh is one of the local political parties in Aceh that able to win the first political contestation they participated in in 2009, even though it was born two years before in 2007. Since then, they have continued to dominate elections at the local level. Partai Aceh was established because of the peace agreement between GAM-RI as a post-conflict political agreement. The purpose of this study was to determine the victory of the Partai Aceh in the local realm. The method used is descriptive qualitative through interview techniques. The results of the study state that the Partai Aceh's victory in the context of Acehnese local politics cannot be separated from political psychology, such as the Partai Aceh identification approach through political socialisation, political candidates, and the Partai Aceh political campaign. The Partai Aceh approached the community involving the former Free Aceh Movement in conducting campaigns. The Partai Aceh's foresight in carrying the figure of a former GAM combatant impacted the Partai Aceh's victory.


Author(s):  
Vitaly N. Ivanov ◽  

The object of the research is the modern party system in Russia. The aim of the article is to study the organizational, financial, and political potential of the main parliamentary political parties: Edinaya Rossiya (United Russia (UR)), CPRF, LDPR, and Spravedlivaya Rossiya (A Just Russia). The comparative analysis of party resources revealed a significant disparity between the potential of UR and the opposition parties. The latter are inferior to the UR in terms of the number of members and the development of the organizational structure. The total number of members and local organizations of these parties is one-third of UR's indicators. The lack of a developed infrastructure for the opposition parties preserves their limited representation and influence at the local level of public power. The financial potential of the parties is formed mainly by state funding and donations from sponsors. Today, four parliamentary parties are eligible for state support. The share of public finance in their budgets is more than half of all revenues. They also receive the bulk of donations, the size of which is limited by law and is official in nature. It can be argued that Russia has formed a mechanism that allows the state to support parties without allowing the establishment of monopoly influence on their activities by individuals and elite groups. The political potential of the parties is determined by the level of their representation in state and local government bodies. Today it is dominated by UR. Its parliamentary fractions actually control the legislative branch of power at the federal and regional levels. Together with the presidential structures of power, UR also ensures the election of presidential creatures to the posts of heads of regions. Party members today form the basis of the governor's corps, with a single representation from other political parties. UR's organizations include more than half of deputies and heads of municipalities, ensuring its influence on the local government system. The high level of dominance of UR and the limited potential of the opposition parties is an important condition for the stability of the existing political regime. UR's significant opportunities allow the ruling elite to maintain and strengthen their positions: cut off the forces of the radical opposition from power, control the legislative process providing legal support for decisions of the government and the head of state, consolidate the federal and regional elite, ensuring the rotation of elites and coordination of their interests. In these circumstances, the parties of the parliamentary opposition are important for preserving the democratic nature of the political process. They do not question the dominant role of UR, offer limited competition to it, and do not have the potential to really influence key political decisions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helga A. Welsh

The Freie Wähler (free voters, FW) offer the rare chance to analyze parties in the making. Their long-time anchoring in local elections, centrist, middle-class political orientation, and bifurcated organizational structure distinguish them from other new political parties that aspire to participate in Land (state), national and European elections. Against the backdrop of FW success in Bavaria, where they received 10.2 percent of the vote in 2008, this article explores the FW expansion to the state level but not their national aspirations. In contrast to most studies that emphasize opportunity structures that work in favor of new political actors, this article highlights their dialectical nature. For example, the FW self-image is based on their difference from political parties, but the rules of the game push them to the status of "almost-party" at the local level and parties at the Land level. Their local roots are a source of legitimacy, but when they reach beyond, divisions among members and voters hold back their electoral fortunes. Independence and issue orientation are appealing to some voters but hamper the establishment of a clear identity and effective campaigning in state elections. Success for FW candidates is linked to the weakness of the dominant parties in the conservative camp. Spatial-temporal conditions are significant in considering the future of the FW at the Land level.


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