scholarly journals The Winning of the Partai Aceh in a Psychological Political Approach

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. PROOFREAD
Author(s):  
Mukhrijal Mukhrijal ◽  
Saddam Rassanjani ◽  
Herizal Herizal ◽  
Afrijal Afrijal

Partai Aceh is one of the local political parties in Aceh that able to win the first political contestation they participated in in 2009, even though it was born two years before in 2007. Since then, they have continued to dominate elections at the local level. Partai Aceh was established because of the peace agreement between GAM-RI as a post-conflict political agreement. The purpose of this study was to determine the victory of the Partai Aceh in the local realm. The method used is descriptive qualitative through interview techniques. The results of the study state that the Partai Aceh's victory in the context of Acehnese local politics cannot be separated from political psychology, such as the Partai Aceh identification approach through political socialisation, political candidates, and the Partai Aceh political campaign. The Partai Aceh approached the community involving the former Free Aceh Movement in conducting campaigns. The Partai Aceh's foresight in carrying the figure of a former GAM combatant impacted the Partai Aceh's victory.

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 577-604 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yana Gorokhovskaia

Conventional wisdom holds that civil society is a sphere of activity separate from the state and the private realm. Due to a combination of historical, developmental and institutional factors, Russian civil society today is dominated by the state. While not all interactions with the state are seen as harmful, scholars acknowledge that most politically oriented or oppositional non-governmental organizations today face difficult conditions in Russia. In response to the restrictions on civil society and the unresponsive nature of Russia’s hybrid authoritarian regime, some civil society actors in Moscow have made the transition into organized politics at the local level. This transition was motivated by their desire to solve local problems and was facilitated by independent electoral initiatives which provided timely training and support for opposition political candidates running in municipal elections. Once elected, these activists turned municipal deputies are able to perform some of the functions traditionally ascribed to civil society, including enforcing greater accountability and transparency from the state and defending the interest of citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


Author(s):  
Taufik Abdullah ◽  
Mr. Hamdani ◽  
Mr. Mulyad

The legitimacy of local political parties in Aceh results from a peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia. Local political parties provide new hope and alternative for people who previously only voted for national parties. Since participating in the election for the first time, local political parties have obtained the people's mandate to fill legislative and executive powers. But along the way, local political parties experienced a crisis of trust. Parliamentary seat gains declined dramatically over the three election periods. This is the starting point for studying local political parties in a limited scope in Banda Aceh City. Through a qualitative approach, the results of this study describe contextual conditions from the perspective of civil society or city residents. The study results explain the lack of seats for local political parties. Residents see that local political parties have not strengthened as a catalyst in influencing policy and have not appeared unique and specific to distinguish them from national political parties. In the future, the role of local political parties is expected to be more critical in fighting for local democracy substantially.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 369
Author(s):  
Delfi Suganda ◽  
Retno Saraswati ◽  
Nabitatus Sa'adah

<p><em>This article aimed to analyze the role and chances of the Wali Nanggroe in its involvement in international peace and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. One of the functions mandated by the qanun (local laws) of Wali Nanggroe Institution is participation in local, national, and international peace. The participation of Wali Nanggroe Institution to be part of regional, national and international peace is an exciting study because most of Wali Nanggroe's members are currently former officials and former combatants of the Free Aceh Movement. This research will analyze the opportunities of the Wali Nanggroe Institute in its involvement in the world and its relation to the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh. This research shows the peace will continue after the peace agreement because many Acehnese leaders, former GAM leaders, believe that the MOU can bring Aceh to a self-government system through a peaceful and democratic process.</em> <em>that several opportunities can be used by it to carry out the function of peace, among others, the first is strong support from local political parties because Wali Nanggroe is an "old man" in Aceh; Third, good relations between Wali Nanggroe and foreign countries or bodies, as well as Wali Nanggroe's own experience in the negotiation process with the Government of Indonesia to realize the understanding of the Helsinki MoU in Finland.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-208
Author(s):  
Ricky Wai-Kay Yue

Abstract The Pa-O National Organisation (pno) was the only pro-regime ethnic political party that managed to retain all its seats in the 2015 Myanmar election. Amid accusations of rampant land grabbing and faced strong competitions from political parties at the national, regional and local levels, how did the pno manage to secure the seats? Through quantitative analysis, the paper noted a statistically significant volatility in the turnover of village tract leaders (vtl s) in the township where resistance was strongest. This in turn suggested that the pno relied on the vtl s to enforce social control. There is a clear gap in existing literature on how social control is constructed at the local level. Applying the state-in-society theoretical framework by Migdal, this paper aims to identify the ‘implementer’ in the crucial process of social control in the Pa-O saz, thereby helping to shed light on how local politics work.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Syarkawi Syarkawi ◽  
Hendri Koeswara ◽  
Desna Aromatica

This study aims to determine the existence of local political parties in Aceh in the 2009-2019 legislative elections. The presence of local political parties in Aceh is a the result of the peace conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Government Republic of Indonesia. The birth of a local political party in Aceh brought considerable influence large in the control of seats in the parliament in Aceh in its first participation in the 2009 legislative elections. However, his presence continues to experience According to him, the decline was in line with the number of votes in the next legislative election. This study aims to measure the existence of local political parties in Aceh in terms of 2009-2019 legislative elections. The research method uses the method qualitative descriptive with research focus on legislative elections at the provincial level Aceh in 2009-2019. The data collection techniques used are: interviews and documentation studies. The results showed that the existence of the party Aceh's local politics continues to decline as the number of votes and local political party seats in the 2014 and 2019 legislative elections when compared to the 2009 legislative elections. The decline in the existence of parties local politics in Aceh is measured from the concept of systemic degree, value identity, degree of autonomy and public knowledge


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Ikhwan Rahmatika Latif ◽  
Dyah Mutiarin ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi

This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Conor O'Dwyer ◽  
Matthew Stenberg

Abstract Aspiring dominant-party regimes often institute major institutional and political reforms at the national level to ensure they retain control. However, subnational politics is an important, under-studied, component of regime consolidation. This study uses mayoral races in Hungary and Poland from 2006 to 2018 to examine two factors that may inhibit dominant-party regime consolidation in local politics: the use of two-round, i.e. runoff, electoral systems and strategic coordination among opposition parties. While we find little evidence that strategic coordination can lead to widespread opposition success in single-round systems, we do find that increasing the number of candidates decreases the likelihood of the nationally dominant party winning in the first round while not affecting the second round. As such, two-round mayoral elections may be an important buffer to dominant-party regime consolidation and may provide a training ground for the future opposition.


Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 320-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Nyamnjoh ◽  
Michael Rowlands

The development of elite associations has been a consequence of the growth of multi-partyism and the weakening of authoritarian state control in Cameroon in the 1990s. The attachment of electoral votes and rights of citizenship to belonging to ethnicised regions has encouraged the formal distinction between ‘natives’ and ‘strangers’ in the creation of a politics of belonging. The article argues that this development has also led to the replacement of political parties at the local level by ethnicised elite associations as prime movers in regional and national politics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-115
Author(s):  
Mathias Spaliviero

Due to its location, Mozambique suffers from cyclical flooding associated with heavy rains and cyclones. In recent years, extreme flood events affected millions of people, disrupting the economic recovery process that followed the peace agreement in 1992. Despite this natural threat, most of the population continues to live in flood prone areas both in rural environment, due to the dependency on agricultural activities, and in urban environment, since unsafe zones are often the only affordable option for new settlers. This paper presents a brief analytical review on different issues related with urban informal settlements, or slums, based on different project activities developed by the United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-HABITAT) in Mozambique. The aim is to identify applicable strategies to reduce vulnerability in urban slums, where approximately 70 percent of the urban population live. The implemented project activities target different organisational levels in an integrated manner, seeking for active involvement of the Government, local authorities and communities at each implementation stage, from decision-making to practical implementation. They consist of three main components: 1) supporting policy-making in order to ensure sustainable urban development, 2) delivering a comprehensive training and capacity building based on the mainstreaming concept of “Learning How to Live with Floods” as valid alternative to resettlement, and 3) facilitating participatory land use planning coupled with physical upgrading interventions at the local level. In the long-term, the intention of UN-HABITAT is to progressively focus on community-based slum upgrading and vulnerability reduction activities, coordinated by local authorities and actively monitored by central institutions, in improving and managing basic services and infrastructures (i.e. water supply, drainage, sanitation, waste management, road network, etc). This type of bottom-up experiences should then represent a basis for setting up a slum upgrading intervention strategy to be applied at the national level.


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