Sinistra e destra in Grecia dal XX al XXI secolo

2013 ◽  
pp. 69-83
Author(s):  
Nikos Marantzidis ◽  
Rori Lamprini
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
Left And Right

Left and Right in Greece from the 20th into the 21st century The article explores the evolution of left/right division in Greece, drawing upon macro sociological theories regarding social and political cleavages. It analyses the major historical divisions that have given meaning to the left/right dichotomy and have structured Greek party system over a century. Among a series of wars, civil quarrels, economical and political crises, which have taken place throughout the Twentieth century, two civil conflicts have marked political rivalries and configured political identities: the National Schism (1915-1917) and the Civil War (1943-1949). They have established a three-camp party system, which had endured until the 1967-1974 military dictatorship. The democratization of the country and the liberalization of political institutions in the post-junta era gave birth to new coalitions and political formations, which established a two-party system on the basis of right/anti-right dichotomy. The outbreak of economic crisis in 2010 and the austerity measures that came as a consequence have divided society and politics in two camps: the advocates and opponents of the Memorandum. The political stances regarding the management of the crisis has magnified the significance of pro/anti-memorandum cleavage and, thus, weakened the importance of the left/right division.

scholarly journals The Political Nature of Ideological Polarization: The Case of Hungary

2018 ◽  
Vol 681 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Vegetti
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Divided Society ◽  
Left And Right

Polarization in Hungary is one of the most severe cases in Europe. It is predominantly elite-driven, and determined mostly by the antagonistic confrontation between the parties. Left and Right blocs oppose each other in a struggle where the loser is completely denied any influence on policymaking. The two blocs endorse opposing views on socio-cultural policies, but this division emerged as a consequence of the rhetoric and coalitional choices of parties, more than from the societal divisions that they ostensibly represent. Moreover, while the perceived ideological distance between party blocs is wide, the actual programmatic differences in the parties’ economic and social policy stances are modest. This article draws on a broad range of sources to describe the process of polarization in Hungary after the fall of communism. I discuss how a polarizing style of political competition can lead to a politically divided society and, over the long run, to democratic erosion.

The Sudan, 1985–9: the Fading Democracy

1990 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamal Osman Salih
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Civilian Leaders

This article discusses the political situation in the Sudan in the aftermath of the 1985 popular uprising which reinstated parliamentary democracy, and focuses on the major challenges which confronted the civilian leaders before their downfall, notably the economic crisis, the issue of Sharia law, the agonising war in the South, and the corrupt and inefficient party system.

scholarly journals Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constitution assembly of the Kingdoms of Serb, Croats and Slovenes and the transformation of social splits into political divisions

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 66-90
Author(s):  
Amir Ahmetović ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Political Entrepreneurs

Based on the available literature, social division is defined as a measure that separates community members into groups. When it comes to Bosnia and Herzegovina and its population who spoke the same language and shared the same territory, the confessional (millet) division from the time of Turkish rule, as a fundamental social fact on the basis of which the Serbian and Croatian national identity of the Bosnian Catholic and the Orthodox population remained in Bosnia and Herzegovina even after the departure of the Austro-Hungarian administration in 1918. Historical confessional and ethnic divisions that developed in the Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian periods became the key and only basis for political and party gatherings and are important for today's Bosnia and Herzegovina segmented society. The paper attempts to examine the applicability of the analytical framework (theory) of Lipset and Rokan (formulated in the 1960s) on social divisions in the case of the elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina for the Constituent Assembly of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs in 1920? Elements for the answer can be offered by the analysis of the relationship between the ethno-confessional affiliation of citizens, on the one hand, party affiliation, on the other and their acceptance of certain political attitudes and values on the third side. If there is a significant interrelation, it could be concluded that at least indirectly the lines of social divisions condition the party-political division. The political system, of course, is not just a simple reflex of social divisions. One should first try to find the answer to the initial questions: what are the key lines of social divisions? How do they overlap and intersect? How and under what conditions does the transformation of social divisions into a party system take place? The previously stated social divisions passed through the filter of political entrepreneurs and returned as a political offer in which the specific interests and motives of (ethnic) political entrepreneurs were included and incorporated. After the end of the First World War, ethnic, confessional and cultural divisions were (and still are) very present in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The key lines of division in the ethnic, confessional and cultural spheres, their development and predominantly multipolar (four-polar) character through changes in the forms and breadth of interest and political organization have influenced political options (divisions) and further complicating and strengthening B&H political splits. The concept of cleavage is a mediating concept between the concept of social stratification and its impact on political grouping and political institutions and the political concept that emphasizes the reciprocal influence of political institutions and decisions on changes in social structure. Thanks to political mobilization in ethno-confessional, cultural and class divisions, then the "history of collective memory" and inherited ethno-confessional conflicts, mass political party movements were formed very quickly in Bosnia and Herzegovina as an integral part of the Kingdom of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs ( Yugoslav Muslim organization, Communist Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslav Democratic Party, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...). The lines of social divisions overlap with ethnic divisions (Yugoslav Muslim Organization, Croatian Farmers' Party, Croatian People's Party, Farmers' Union, People's Radical Party ...) but also intersect them so that several ethnic groups can coexist within the same party-political framework (Communist Party of Yugoslavia). The significant, even crucial influence of party affiliation and identification on the adoption of certain attitudes speaks of the strong feedback of the parties and even of some kind of created party identity. The paper discusses the first elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina organized during the Kingdom of SCS and the formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's political spectrum on the basic lines of social divisions.

Features of the formation of political trust in Ukraine: the macrolevel of political relations

2017 ◽  
pp. 372-383
Author(s):  
Alina Todoriko
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
The Political ◽  
Adoption And Implementation ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Significant Deficit

The article defines the features of the formation of political trust in Ukraine at the macrolevel of political relations. It is established that the formation of political trust at the macrolevel of political relations in Ukraine is reflected in the attitude of citizens toward democracy as a new format of the political system, the main mechanisms of its formation and the functioning of political institutions that ensure the process of transformation and dynamic renewal of the political system. It is substantiated that the essential aspect that characterizes the political trust of the macrolevel in modern Ukrainian society is the weakness of the connections of a significant number of citizens with political parties as a traditional institution of aggregation of interests and is reflected in the limited understanding of the essence of the multi-party system and its need for political development of Ukraine. It is proved that the existing indicators of confidence in the institutions of power in Ukraine, actualize the question of its optimal boundaries. As practice shows, both the lack of trust and the surplus of trust are barriers to strengthening the democratic foundations of the political system and political process. A significant deficit of confidence limits the power and reduces the activity of citizens, hinders the development of integration processes in society, inhibits the adoption and implementation of constructive reforms. Excessive trust in institutions of power and political institutions, creating uncontrolled and permissive behavior, can not lead to anything else, as to the arbitrariness of power, which is the first step towards the restoration or strengthening of authoritarianism. Therefore, in order for political confidence to contribute to the development of democratic processes, its level should not approach either the lowest or the highest possible values. Keywords: Political trust, macro level of politics, Ukraine, political institutions, democracy, democratization

Political parties and policy analysis in Colombia

2020 ◽  
pp. 241-256
Author(s):  
Sebastián Líppez-De Castro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Actor ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Party System ◽  
Historical Trajectory

This chapter traces the development of the political party system in Colombia, focusing on characteristics related to their production or consumption of policy analysis. It stresses that political parties will not fully utilize policy analysis to guide their decisions and priorities, as long as clientelistic linkages prevail. It also mentions the third or nongovernmental sector, which is increasingly recognized as an important policy actor or potential policy actor in all countries. The chapter describes the historical trajectory of the Colombian party system, its make-up in the 21st century, and key institutional features affecting parties' use of policy analysis. It identifies some of the mechanisms through which 21st-century Colombian political parties produce or rely on policy analysis.

The (Un)Changing Irish Voter

2021 ◽  
pp. 557-576
Author(s):  
Michael Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Fianna Fail ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Over Time

This chapter explores the extent to which the cleavages underlying voting behaviour in the Irish party system have changed since the 1970s. The divisions within the party system can be seen as between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, between Fianna Fáil and the rest, between Fine Gael and the rest (leaving aside Fianna Fáil), and between left and right. The basis for voting analysed are class, religion, party identification, and ideology. The weight of each on each division is traced over time. While the party system has clearly fragmented, and the left has grown in size, the importance of each of these factors has not changed significantly, either since the 1970s, or just since the economic crisis. Various explanations for the lack of change are discussed, including the persistence of candidate centred voting, localism, and how party competition has tended to obscure real policy differences.

scholarly journals Introduction: (De)democratisation in Slovenia and Montenegro: Comparing the Quality of Democracy

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-592
Author(s):  
Olivera Komar ◽  
Meta Novak
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Small Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Internal And External Factors

AbstractThis paper creates a framework for the comparison of two similar and yet different democratisation cases – Slovenia and Montenegro. The two countries have obvious similarities: their geography and small population, as well as their common socialist Yugoslav heritage and common aspirations to join international organisations, most importantly the European Union. However, while Slovenia went through the democratisation process rather smoothly, Montenegro took the longer road, struggling for more than a decade to regain its independence and complete its transition. We take into account different internal and external factors in these two cases such as the year of independence and of joining NATO, the political and electoral system, ethnic homogeneity, the viability of civil society, EU integration status, economic development and the presence of war in each territory in order to identify and describe those factors that contributed to the success of democratisation in different areas: the party system, the interest groups system, the defence system, Europeanisation and social policy. We find that the democratisation process in these countries produced different results in terms of quality. Various objective measures of the quality of democracy score Slovenia higher compared to Montenegro, while public opinion data shows, in general, greater satisfaction with the political system and greater trust in political institutions in Montenegro than in Slovenia.

scholarly journals Sudan’s Political Spiral

2019 ◽  
pp. 14-30
Author(s):  
Vladilen Gusarov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Transitional Period ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Military Dictatorship ◽  
Final Version ◽  
Progressive Movement ◽  
The Military

During more than six dozen years after the achievement of the independence in 1956 Sudan has suffered a very complicated political evolution. The forms of rule in the country have many times changed from the parliamentary democracy to the military dictatorship; and the political life has developed not as a stable progressive movement, but practically as a spiral, with its turns going both up and down. At the same time, the essence of the forms of government remained the same: the domination of the representatives of the feudal lords and the bourgeoisie, their various coalitions represented by different political parties. In 2018, as a result of the sharply aggravated economic crisis, anti-government protests began across the country, caused by rising prices for bread and other essential products. The protests turned into demands for President Bashir’s resignation. On 11 April, he and his Deputy Ahmed Haroon were removed from power and arrested. The country was to be governed for two years by the Transitional Military Council (TMC), which was headed by defense Minister Awad Mohammed Ahmed Ibn Auf. However, due to contradictions between the army command and the opposition, Auf resigned on 13 April, and Abdel Fattah al-Burhan took his place. New attempts of coups continue to the present time. On the 17 of August the negotiations between the TMC and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) were finished by signing several agreements. Among them was the Constitutional Declaration and the Agreement of the transitional period. The Constitutional Declaration is fixing the main terms of so called transitional period in Sudan and will be the main legislative base for gradual transmission of the power from the militaries to the civil forces. The document has the principles on which the main organs the power would coordinate their actions. The sides also accepted the final version of the project of the political agreement of the transitional period. The main principles of the political structure of Sudan are fixed in it. The article is devoted to the description and understanding of the various coalitions represented by different political parties.

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