scholarly journals COMMUNICATIVE INTENTION OF THE FACEBOOK COMMUNITY “ZAPORIZHIA PRIDE” IN THE CONTEXT OF HUMAN RIGHTS

2020 ◽  
Vol 9.1 (85.1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavlo Miroshnychenko ◽  
◽  
Yuliia Liubchenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Negative Stereotypes ◽  
Transgender People ◽  
Self Presentation ◽  
Communicative Intention ◽  
Lgbt Issues ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
Official Information

The main aim of the article is to determine the communicative intention (quantitative and qualitative indicators, targeting, conflict-generating) of posts on Facebook “Zaporizhzhia Pride” aimed at protecting the rights and freedoms of the LGBT community. To analyze the communicative intention of the Facebook community “Zaporizhzhia Pride”, two experts processed 13 posts, which provide information about the peculiarities of the organization of the Equality March in Zaporizhzhia, as well as information exposing social myths, negative stereotypes and prejudices about the LGBT community in general, and about the Pride in particular. The main communicative goal of the posts of the “Zaporizhzhia Pride” is to properly inform the representatives of the LGBT community, those who support the LGBT rights movement, about the peculiarities of the organization, conduct and security of the event. The authors of the posts also articulate calls and motivations for active participation and support of the Zaporizhzhia Pride action quite clearly. Facebook community “Zaporizhzhia Pride” addresses opponents of the action with rational arguments, debunks myths and superstitions, negative stereotypes and attitudes towards homosexuals and transgender people. An effective communication and information tool for the anti-discrimination discourse of the Zaporizhzhia Pride Facebook group is interviews and speeches by public opinion leaders of the Zaporizhzhia region, people popular among young people who support the ideas of the Pride and LGBT people. The intentions of “self-presentation”, actually “presentation” and “indirect presentation” prevail. This proves the strong desire of the Facebook group “Zaporizhzhia Pride” to create a positive image of the event itself, themselves as activists of the movement for LGBT rights and freedoms, this community as a whole. Considerable attention to the issue of security shows that the authors are aware of the threats and risks for participants and supporters of the action, and therefore understand the conflict between LGBT issues, the Equality March itself, both in Ukraine and in the Zaporizhzhia region. At the same time, the conflict-generating of the posts of the “Zaporizhzhia Pride” is low: the instruction to provide all official information about the event encourages the authors of the texts to communicate in a balanced and meaningful way.

Attitudes toward LGBT Rights: Political Tolerance and Egalitarian Values in the United States

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew R. Flores
Keyword(s):  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
Core Values ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Transgender People ◽  
Lesbian And Gay ◽  
Lgbt Issues ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People

Attitudes towards political groups and their rights are often shaped by the core values held by individuals. In reference to LGBT people and their rights, research has often shown that core values play a role in understanding affect towards the group and related policies. Values such as moral traditionalism and egalitarianism have long been understood to be determinants of people’s attitudes toward LGBT rights. LGBT issues are framed relying on competing value frames, which change in their dominance over time. However, core values tend to be stable but American attitudes toward LGBT people and rights have undergone sharp increases in their favorability. One explanation for this change is an increasing political tolerance among the American public. Political tolerance is the degree to which the public supports the civil liberties of members of different social groups, and it is distinct though related to attitudes on LGBT issues of equality (e.g., marriage equality). Political tolerance encompasses attitudes toward the rights for LGBT people to exercise their free speech, political and social organization, and live free from government intrusion. In the US, adults have consistently expressed greater political tolerance for lesbian and gay people than issues of LGBT equality. Political tolerance toward lesbian and gay people has increased since the 1970s, but egalitarian values have remained rather stagnant. The effect of egalitarian values on political tolerance for lesbian and gay people was stronger in earlier years, and as Americans have become more tolerant of lesbian and gay people, the role of egalitarianism in affecting political tolerance has diminished. There are limitations of existing data, especially regarding the political tolerance of bisexuals, transgender people, and others who are generally considered to be within the broader LGBT community.

Historical Views of Homosexuality: Asia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Rich ◽  
Andi Dahmer ◽  
Isabel Eliassen
Keyword(s):  
Local Governments ◽  
National Level ◽  
The West ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Transgendered People ◽  
Lgbt Issues ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Bisexual And Transgender ◽  
History Of ◽  
Antidiscrimination Policies

How does Asia compare to other regions in terms of LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) rights? While Asia lags behind the West on typical metrics of LGBT rights, this fails to capture the diversity of tolerance historically in the region. At the same time, conservative backlashes to LGBT policies are evident across the region, often invoking traditionalist or religious opposition, as also seen outside of the region. Moreover, much of the literature myopically focuses on one or two countries in Asia, rarely attempting to make broad comparisons across East, South, and Central Asia. Part of this is due to terminology differences, where “homosexual” is commonly used in some countries as a catch-all term for members of the LGBT community, compared to others in the region countries, especially in South Asia, with a longer history of specialized terminology for transgendered people. Yet broader comparisons in the absence of terminology differences remain rare despite growing attention to LGBT issues in public opinion polls, news, and academic work and despite the fact that the legal avenues chosen by LGBT rights proponents often mirror those chosen in the West. State policies on LGBT policies also range considerably in the region, with only Taiwan currently recognizing same-sex marriage at the national level, but with decriminalization and antidiscrimination policies at the national and local levels increasingly common. However, a commonly overlooked trend is that of harsher LGBT policies enacted by local governments. Meanwhile, despite trends in the West of growing public tolerance on LGBT issues, far less consistency emerges in Asia, further complicating state efforts. It is important to highlight Asia’s diversity in terms of rights and tolerance, but it is equally important to integrate evidence from Asia into cross-national research on LGBT issues to understand what is unique about the region and what may have been ignored in other regions.

scholarly journals LGBT Rights and Inclusion in Small Island Developing States (SIDS)

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iffat Idris
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
International Development ◽  
Grey Literature ◽  
Development Cooperation ◽  
Small Island ◽  
Small Island Developing States ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Lgbt Issues ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
The Right

This review looks at the extent to which LGBT rights are provided for under law in a range of Small Island Developing States (SIDS), and the record on implementation/enforcement, as well as approaches to promote LGBT rights and inclusion. SIDS covered are those in the Caribbean, Pacific, and Atlantic-Indian Ocean-South China Sea (AIS) regions. The review draws on a mixture of grey literature (largely from international development agencies/NGOs), academic literature, and media reports. While the information on the legal situation of LGBT people in SIDS was readily available, there was far less evidence on approaches/programmes to promote LGBT rights/inclusion in these countries. However, the review did find a number of reports with recommendations for international development cooperation generally on LGBT issues. Denial of LGBT rights and discrimination against LGBT people is found to varying extents in all parts of the world. It is important that LGBT people have protection in law, in particular the right to have same-sex sexual relations; protection from discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation; and the right to gender identity/expression. Such rights are also provided for under international human rights conventions such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, while the Sustainable Development Goals are based on the principle of ‘leave no one behind'.

scholarly journals THE REVOLUTION OF DIGNITY AND INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LGBT RIGHTS: HOW DID ATTITUDES TOWARDS LGBT PEOPLE CHANGE IN UKRAINE AFTER EUROMAIDAN?

2021 ◽  
pp. 127-150
Author(s):  
OLEKSII SHESTAKOVSKI ◽  
MAKSYM KASIANCZUK ◽  
OLESIA TROFYMENKO
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Perception ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Lgbt Individuals ◽  
The Revolution

The aftermath of Ukraine’s Revolution of Dignity provoked a lot of criticism among the students of LGBT topics. The principles of non-discrimination and protection of LGBT rights are an exemplary manifestation of European values to which Euromaidan declared adherence. The Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union, which was signed after the Revolution, as well as visa-free travel, which was granted to Ukrainian citizens, obliged this country to liberalise LGBT-related laws due to the EUʼs policy on the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights. However, there is a view that this step may cause conflicts in Ukrainian society, which is still predominantly homophobic, and only lead to a superficial change in the condition of LGBT people owing to pressure from the European Union. Some scholars (e.g. Shevtsova [2020], Wannebo [2017]) claim that the instrumentalisation policy has even resulted in a backlash against the LGBT community and worsened the overall situation for them. But has this backlash (if it really happened) entailed a corresponding change in public opinion on LGBT issues? Surprisingly, the dynamics of public attitudes towards the LGBT community and their rights remain unexplored. The paper proposes to fill this gap by a comparative analysis of two cross-sectional surveys on this topic, which were conducted before (in 2013) and after (in 2016) the Revolution of Dignity in several regions of Ukraine. Within the framework of the study, three research questions have been posed: 1. Have Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community changed since Euromaidan? 2. How different (e. g. positive) were the attitudes towards LGBT people among Euromaidan supporters? 3. Have the events that happened after the Revolution of Dignity, such as Russia is hybrid war against Ukraine, been able to affect attitudes towards LGBT rights? The results show that there have been modest, albeit statistically significant positive changes in Ukrainians’ attitudes towards the LGBT community since Euromaidan. However, practically no change in terms of support for LGBT rights has been recorded. Our findings are consistent with other relevant nationally representative surveys according to which public perception of LGBT individuals has not worsened. This fact suggests that the instrumentalisation of LGBT rights has not faced any backlash, at least from the general population. Other data in our study indicate that not all proponents of the Revolution of Dignity displayed favourable attitudes towards LGBT people; nevertheless, they held more positive views on the LGBT community and same-sex marriage than those who did not take part in Euromaidan. The respondents who have experienced the impact of the Donbas conflict also demonstrated relatively better attitudes to LGBT individuals and expressed support for their rights. Still, this may be linked to a significant percentage of Euromaidan participants among them.

Coming Out, Intergroup Relations, and Attitudes Toward LGBT Rights

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark R. Hoffarth ◽  
Gordon Hodson
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Coming Out ◽  
Intergroup Relations ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
Lgbt Rights ◽  
Positive Effects ◽  
Positive Attitudes ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People

Intergroup relations and contact between groups has historically been considered a mechanism to promote support for LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) rights. However, LGBT identities are often concealable, and stigma discourages members of the LGBT community from disclosing that they are LGBT, which may prevent contact. Some subsets of the LGBT population make up a small percentage of the overall population, which may also decrease the quantity of contact. As such, the process of coming out to friends, relatives, and coworkers has been a common strategy of the modern LGBT movement. The strategy could be effective because the intergroup contact literature has found support for intergroup contact decreasing prejudice in meta-analyses. At the same time, researchers have challenged the assertion that intergroup contact promotes social change because intergroup contact is sometimes negative, or may be impractical or avoided, positive attitudes can coincide with acceptance of inequality, and intergroup contact may have unintended negative side effects. Research has generally found support for the notion that intergroup relations are more positive when there is greater contact. For LGBT people greater contact has been associated with decreasing anti-LGBT prejudice and increasing support for LGBT rights. However, similar to other domains of contact, the influence of LGBT contact is contextually sensitive, and a combination of psychological and structural barriers can decrease or prevent the positive effects of intergroup contact. There are strategies which may overcome these limitations, through policies (e.g., protection against discrimination), promoting types of contact that promote social change as opposed to merely positive attitudes, secondary transfer of contact effects, imagined contact, indirect forms of contact, and positive media representations of LGBT people. Gaps in the literature include a relative lack of research on contact with members of the LGBT community other than gays and lesbians (particularly non-cisgender people), intergroup contact between members of different subsets of the LGBT community, and a need for experimental and/or intervention-based research.

scholarly journals Peculiarities of Relations in LGBT Community

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-264
Author(s):  
Viktoriya Lar'kina ◽  
Lyudmila Pochebut
Keyword(s):  
Intergroup Relations ◽  
Deviant Behavior ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
Social Rejection ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
Transgender People ◽  
Need For Affiliation ◽  
Open Questions ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People

Introduction. LGBT communities belong to groups with deviant behavior. A small amount of information about the structure of the LGBT community causes the following problems: 1. Disinformation and negative attitude towards the activities of the LGBT community. 2. The LGBT community consists of significantly different groups with different needs and specific problems, which leads to misunderstandings and conflicts of interests within the social movement. 3. Hidden conflicts within the LGBT community have an influence on its activity. The purpose of the research is to study the peculiarities of intergroup relations within the LGBT community. Methodology, methods and techniques. Participants were 134 representatives of the LGBT community. The sample included 34 lesbians, 8 gays, 16 bisexuals, 27 transgender, 15 asexual people, 14 pansexual and 20 genderqueer or non-binary people. Quantitative and qualitative methods were used in the study. The respondents were asked to fill out a questionnaire including the following techniques: 1. Questionnaire “Components of social capital” by L. G. Pochebut; 2. Questionnaire “SEP” by L. G. Pochebut; 3. Questionnaire “The need for affiliation” by A. Mahrebian; 4. Questionnaire “Measuring trust” by R. B. Sho; 5. Open questions. Results. When analyzing the data, the following significant intergroup differences were identified: indicators of “trust” and “goals and values” are lower among transgender people than lesbian, pansexual and genderqueer people. The level of trust among pansexual people is higher than in other groups. “Fear of social rejection” with asexual people is higher than with prosexual people, while the same indicator with asexual people is higher than “fear of social rejection” with lesbian, gay and pansexual people. Gays have lower “fear of social rejection” than transgender people. At the same time, the latter are less inclined to collectivism than cisgender. Lesbians are more prone to affective neutrality than gay and transgender people, while homosexual men are likely to be affective than other groups. Bisexual people are more prone to universalism than other groups. Scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that intergroup relations in the LGBT community have not been previously investigated by Russian scientists. Practical significance. To provide effective counselling being in great demand nowadays among LGBT people, it is necessary to understand community peculiarities and relations between groups.

Attitudes Toward LGBT+ People and Policies: Political Tolerance and Egalitarianism

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Elliott-Dorans
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Military Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Indirect Contact ◽  
Lgbt Issues ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Will And Grace ◽  
Lgbt People

Political tolerance and commitment to egalitarianism have long been examined as possible contributors to attitudes toward LGBT+ people and policies. Since the 1970s, American attitudes toward LGBT+ issues have changed drastically. During this period, public policy and measures of public opinion toward LGBT+ rights have focused on a variety of areas, such as nondiscrimination laws, gay military service, and family matters such as adoption and marriage. Interestingly, although support for equality has remained the same in the United States, individuals have become rapidly more supportive of LGBT+ people securing equal rights in a variety of domains. There are three primary reasons for this shift: elite messaging, attributions of homosexuality, and contact with members of the LGBT+ community, both direct and indirect. These factors have led to an environment in which the value of equality is more readily applied to LGBT+ issues, therefore increasing support for these rights over time. Elite messaging has played a key role in this shift. Across LGBT+ issues, equality frames are often countered with moral traditionalism, thus leading to an increased propensity for individuals to associate LGBT+ issues with these values. The effectiveness of equality frames has been bolstered by the growing belief that homosexuality is a fixed rather than chosen trait, which yields a greater reliance upon egalitarianism when evaluating LGBT+-related issues. At the same time, both direct and indirect contact with the LGBT+ community increased following the Stonewall Riots of 1969. Americans were first introduced to gay characters on television in the 1970s. LG characters gained more prominent roles throughout the 1990s on shows such as The Real World and Will and Grace. Following Stonewall, LGBT+ activist organizations also advocated that members of the community “come out of the closet” and reveal their sexual orientation to the people in their lives. Thus, the chances of Americans knowing—or at least feeling like they knew—an LGBT+ person increased. Consistent with Allport’s Contact Theory (1954) and Zajonc’s work on “mere exposure effects” (1968), affect toward LGBT+ individuals has generally grown more positive with greater interaction and familiarity. These various factors interacted with underlying predispositions to drastically move public opinion in favor of greater equality for LGBT+ people.

Digital Borders, Diasporic Flows and the Nigerian Transgender Beauty Queen Who Would Not Be Denied

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
B Camminga
Keyword(s):  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Social Conditions ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Refugee Status ◽  
Transgender People ◽  
Beauty Pageant ◽  
Global North ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
Tabloid Press

In 2011, Miss Sahhara, a transgender woman from Nigeria with UK refugee status, was crowned First Princess at the world’s largest and most prestigious beauty pageant for transgender women—Miss International Queen. The then Cultural Minister of Nigeria when contacted for comment responded that if she was transgender, she could not be Nigerian, and if she was Nigerian, she could not be transgender—a tacit denial of her very existence. In recent years, LGBT people “fleeing Africa” to the “Global North” has become a common media trope. Responses to this, emanating from a variety of African voices, have provided a more nuanced reading of sexuality. What has been absent from these readings has been the role of gender expression, particularly a consideration of transgender experiences. I understand transgender refugees to have taken up “lines of flight” such that, in a Deleuzian sense, they do not only flee persecution in countries of origin but also recreate or speak back to systems of control and oppressive social conditions. Some transgender people who have left, like Miss Sahhara, have not gone silently, using digital means to project a new political visibility of individuals, those who are both transgender and African, back at the African continent. In Miss Sahhara’s case, this political visibility has not gone unnoticed in the Nigerian tabloid press. Drawing on the story of Miss Sahhara, this paper maps these flows and contraflows, asking what they might reveal about configurations of nationhood, gender and sexuality as they are formed at both the digital and physical interstices between Africa and the Global North.

Queer citizens and the perils of the neoliberal city: Racialized narratives of homophobic hate crime in Oslo, Norway

Sexualities ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 136346072110193
Author(s):  
Henning Kaiser Klatran
Keyword(s):  
Risk Assessment ◽  
Hate Crime ◽  
State Violence ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
Queer Citizenship ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines the relationship between queer citizenship, state violence and the exclusion of racialized, homophobic ‘others’. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with LGBT people in Oslo, Norway, I investigate the presence of racialization in narratives of homophobic hate crime. The findings suggest that racialization structures narratives of risk assessment among several of the participants. However, in these narratives, racialization often operates through place-specific references, rather than racial and ethnic markers of identity. The narrative work thus displays ambivalence and a disassociation from racism. I argue that these narratives feed on an already established conflation of space, ethnicity, religion and homophobia, to which both mainstream media and part of the LGBT community contribute.

The Case for Gay Reparations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar G. Encarnación
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Future Generations ◽  
Moral Imperative ◽  
Universal Approach ◽  
Lgbt Community ◽  
History Of ◽  
Collective Experience ◽  
Lgbt People ◽  
Past Wrongs ◽  
Western Democracies

This book makes the case for why the United States should embrace gay reparations, or policies intended to make amends for a history of discrimination, stigmatization, and violence against the LGBT community. It contends that gay reparations are a moral imperative for bringing dignity to those whose human rights have been violated because of their sexual orientation and/or gender identity, for closing painful histories of state-sponsored victimization of LGBT people, and for reminding future generations of past struggles for LGBT equality. To make its case, the book examines how other Western democracies notorious for their oppression of homosexuals have implemented gay reparations—specifically Spain, Britain, and Germany. Their collective experience shows that although there is no universal approach to gay reparations, it is never too late for countries to seek to right past wrongs.

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