scholarly journals Globalization and Security: The Economic, Social and Political Aspects

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (520) ◽  
pp. 16-21
Author(s):  
M. D. Kramchaninova ◽  
◽  
V. V. Vakhlakova ◽  

This research underlines the growing importance of critical studying the role of globalization in the context of the problem of ensuring human security. In the global open economy, direct changes in the nature of economic activity and social interaction significantly increase the weight and importance of the factors that affect social, political and economic stability. By carrying out an analysis of the data reflecting the results of the social, economic and political consequences of COVID-19, the authors try to provide useful insights into the patterns inherent in the economic, social and political processes. Studying the dynamics of pandemic development allows to examine in more detail the connection between the economy, social security and political stability, paying attention to the nature of social, economic and political processes and the scale of their interdependence. According to the results of the research, the main threats arising from the pandemic in the field of economic, social and political components of national security have been established. It is displayed that the social, economic and political security spheres within the State are interrelated. Due to the relationship between them, the lack of stabilization in one of these areas can generate potential danger and changes of negative nature in other areas. Most of the risks and threats identified by the authors flow out of each other, which makes them also interrelated. In the view of the authors, public expectations as to political and economic interactions in the field of ensuring national and global security require the government to make significant changes and transform its view on important aspects of the organization of social, economic and political life of society, in accordance with global challenges.

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minseok An ◽  
George H. Sage

In the past decade, to help maintain political stability and promote economic growth, South Korea has committed substantial resources to commercialized sports, including golf. A major source of support for building golf courses has come from government leaders and economic and social incentives as well. In the past 4 years the government has given permission to build 135 new golf courses. The official government discourse about the new golf courses is that they are being built in the interest of “sport for all.” But the golf courses overwhelmingly require membership, which is extremely expensive. Despite the enormous power and resources of the dominant groups in Korea, there are elements of opposition. The golf boom has been severely criticized because it removes large amounts of land from agricultural and industrial productivity, contaminates farm land, and pollutes water. It also represents the worst aspects of the social imbalance of wealth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Neelam Shahi

This Study entitled as “Livelihood Pattern of the Tibetan Refugees in Nepal” (A Case Study of the Samdupling in Jawalakhel and Khampa Refugee Camp in Boudha- Jorpati) aims to discover the livelihood patterns of Tibetan refugees residing in the Samdupling camp in Jawalakhel and Khampa Refugee’s Camp in Boudha-Jorpati. The paper intends to examine the problems confronted by Tibetan refugees residing in the Samdupling camp and Khampa Refugee’s Camp. The study itself is conducted with the objectives of describing the present socio-economic status of Tibetan refugees dwelling in aforementioned camps located inside the Kathmandu valley and Lalitpur. This write-up not only deals with different livelihood aspects of Tibetan refugees but also compares the livelihood of two camps to list out the social, economic and political problems affecting their livelihood. However, this study is mainly based on the primary information and the data which were collected using the techniques of household survey and sampling survey, along with questionnaire and interview during the several field visits to camps. The paper concludes by stating that government intervention is required to resolve the issues affecting the livelihood of Tibetan refugees. Tibetan refugees’ problems required a political yet humanitarian resolution. The government needs to decide on whether to endow the citizenship or refugee card to the refugees who have been deprived of the both, or opt for the third-party settlement. For that Tibetans refugees also need to cooperate and coordinate with the refugees department under the Ministry of the Home Affair, Government of Nepal


Author(s):  
Bogdana Todorova

The geographical position of Iran as a transit country between the Middle East, Central Asia and Caucasus, makes the Islamic Republic of Iran a new geostrategic factor with main influence to the future of the Islamic world and international world system. The Welayat-e-Faqih imposes serious changes in the government and society. Renovation of Islamic dogmas and their adaptation to changing conditions of the social-political life is the challenge to the Shiite clergy, who firmly follow the practices established by Imam Khomeini. His revolution carries not only the spirit of the Iranian modernization but also the pathos of social democracy. The “Theo-democratic” government is based on both the Islamic and democratic principles, and it can be said that due to the ideas of Ayatollah Khomeini, a unique new project – the national-Iranian project is arguably developed. There are the three aims of this project: the territorial integrity, national sovereignty and national prosperity of the country, intended to protect Muslims and establish Islamic government based on the Shi’ite principles. The Islamic revolution is an important event worldwide. It makes us rethink the current relation religion – politics, giving the first serious notice of taking political power by Islam.


2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (02) ◽  
pp. 97-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
KIM MING LEE ◽  
CHING YIN CHENG

Rising economic inequality becomes an important concern for both advanced and developing countries. Nonetheless, political and business elites around the world never question the neoliberal agenda, despite economic crises happening every now and then. The year 2007 may mark the turning point of neoliberal globalisation. As the global financial tsunami kicked off from the burst of the subprime mortgage bubble in the United States in 2007, the global economy is facing an economic hardship never heard of since the Great Depression in the 1930s. Hong Kong as a highly open economy is also severely hurt by the financial tsunami. In every economic recession, all Hong Kong people suffer, but lower classes suffer most. This raises a serious question about whether the current social protection system adequately protects people against an increasingly risky global economic environment. By examining the social policy package adopted by the HK government in fighting against the financial tsunami, we show the lack of long-term strategies and commitments of the government in protecting HK people against globalisation risks and economic insecurity. By drawing experiences from other countries, we suggest that active labour market policies (ALMPs) may be the social policy tools the government can use to reform the social protection system.


Author(s):  
Carolyn Richardson

Although it barely registered in social media and current news in North America, the Shanghai 2010 World Expo was the most expensive urban reconstruction project in Chinese history and also caused the largest human relocation project in Shanghai history. To make way for the Expo, over18 000 families- an estimated 55 000 people- were relocated to the outskirts of Shanghai, away from their homes, communities, social connections and basic services. Of these residents, 25 000 were relocated to Pujiang new town: a brand new town constructed for this occasion by the Shanghai government. Although the government and contracted urban planners built the town, it is the relocated residents who are building the community. Using personal interviews that I and my Shanghainese partner conducted with the residents of Pujiang new town, we aimed to find out how residents are regaining the “social capital” that was lost during their forced relocation, and how their “individual and collective agency” prevents them from being seen as victims of a strong centralized government. In order to understand how this unique case of urban development was created, I will also be explaining the historical causes of the project, and it’s social and political consequences. However, it is the overarching question of “how does China see urban development, and why?” that I wish to answer


Author(s):  
Deborah Kamen

This chapter summarizes key themes and presents some final thoughts. Through close analysis of various forms of evidence—literary, epigraphic, and legal—this book demonstrated that classical Athens had a spectrum of statuses, ranging from the base chattel slave to the male citizen with full civic rights. It showed that Athenian democracy was in practice both more inclusive and more exclusive than one might expect based on its civic ideology: more inclusive in that even slaves and noncitizens “shared in” the democratic polis, more exclusive in that not all citizens were equal participants in the social, economic, and political life of the city. The book also showed the flexibility of status boundaries, seemingly in opposition to the dominant ideology of two or three status groups divided neatly from one another: slave versus free, citizen versus noncitizen, or slave versus metic versus citizen.


2021 ◽  
pp. 134-153
Author(s):  
Vadim V. Volobuev ◽  

The chapter describes the influence of the Roman Catholic Church on the domestic and foreign policies of Poland from the signing of the Treaty of May 1989 between the government and episcopate to the parliamentary elections of 2019. The author shows the interaction of the clergy and parties sharing the social doctrine of the church, in particular the Law and Justice Party, and the role of the personality and views of John Paul II in current Polish politics. Finally, the author considers the disputes and conflicts within Polish Catholicism.


1978 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
David D. Laitin

A summary and reinterpretation of Weber's Sociology of Religion and The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism provides the framework within which four contemporary studies in political culture, which purport to be in the Weberian tradition, are examined. The framework distinguishes three levels of analysis in which “religion,” as a social fact, can be defined. The social, economic, or political consequences that can be attributed to religious adherence are different depending on the doctrine of the charismatic founder, the practical religion, or the practical religion of the converted. The author suggests a new, perhaps more fruitful agenda for research based on the methodological arguments of the paper.


Author(s):  
Alicia Azuela de la Cueva

The image of the Mexican Motherland protected by the national eagle was one of the most circulated civic symbols during the period of the welfare state (1940–1973). Between 1962 and 1977, it illustrated the covers of the free texts created and given by the Ministry of Public Education to all students. The image gained circulation again in 2008, on the textbook History and Citizenship. It was also employed as the logo for the Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social [Mexican Institute of Social Security], an organization to which the government devoted an important part of its budget. Welfare state programs developed in several countries. In Mexico, the ideals were promoted by the official party that ruled the nation for nearly seventy years. During the presidency of Adolfo López Mateos (1958–1964), when the country experienced its best moment of economic welfare, political stability, and consolidated this patriotic—and propagandistic—symbol, it became a significant component of the civic collective imaginary. By this time, a solid symbolic apparatus already existed and marked “memory spaces”—with its expressions of public art, like the ones in the visual vocabularies of free textbooks. It formed one of the tools for the exercise of symbolic power needed for governability. The image of Motherland protected by the national eagle (with its gender connotations) can be described as: Motherland is a woman and government is a man; this allows the citizens to relate the civic realm to the private one and to the functions and divisions of the social order and in the family environment. The example of the Motherland as a source of life and provider of social services for citizenship and that of the government as the provider, onlooker, and president of homeland functions, sublimated and reinforced these values in familiar and social arenas—a role previously assigned to the woman. Reverence to the nation obscured the predetermination of her reproductive duties to the care of its offspring and of its home to the man as head of family in his functions as a provider. Therefore, the visual arts and textbook writing in particular, as well as the visual-spatial language, led to the establishment, internalization, and preservation of the status quo in the social structures and civic norms reinforced by the uses and habits, operating to promote controlling groups, either the paternalist government or the conservative family man. The welfare state opened a connection to art not only because of the economic boom and the investments in public works and projects, which included public works of art, but also because of the interest of political leaders in education, patronage, and artistic diffusion. Public art played a fundamental role both in the symbolic government apparatus and in the artistic world itself. Possibilities of participation in constructive projects subisidized by the government increased, consisting of both facilities for health-care and housing services, as well as museum spaces. Among these projects was the first museum of modern art, opened in 1964. In addition, the art market strengthened with the opening of galleries accesible to both the middle class and the elite. Consequently, struggles for power between different artistic trends and groups and the Mexican School of Painting that, since 1921, with its budgetary ups and downs and the downfall of its sponsor, relied on an official subsidy to make public art. Although two of the three masters of muralism, Diego Rivera and José Clemente Orozco, had died, David Alfaro Siqueiros remained active, and mural production continued with artists of younger generations, new trends, and uneven artistic quality. In the realm of public art, the Plastic Integration started by the painter Carlos Mérida and the architect Mario Pani, promoted contributions in its pursuit of a total oeuvre derived from the harmonic encounter of painting, sculpture, and architecture in addition to the geometric pictorial language of pre-Hispanic inspiration and to the simplicity of prismatic forms from international architecture. Within the modern spirit and its “tradition of permanent rupture with tradition,” the second and third group of muralists, largely led by Siqueiros, confronted the “ruputura” generation, then a group of young artists who lacked a particular stylistic approach, and likened the foreign nonrealism to the didactic and propaganda-oriented character of their rivals. This trend emerged in the 1950s and consolidated in the 1960s. It comprised José Luis Cuevas, Alberto Guironella, and Cordelia Urueta, who were linked to neo-figurative art and to abstract art in several modalities with Vlady, Manuel Felgueres, Lilia Carrillo, Juán García Ponce, Pedro Coronel, Kasuya Sakai, and Vicente Rojo, among others. Overall, these trends and conflicts between political realism and nonrealism shared characteristics on the international level during the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Herbert S. Klein

This chapter examines the comparative differences and similarities between slave regimes in the Americas and how those differences influenced the post-manumission integration of Africans. In particular, it considers some of the methods and questions that animated the comparative slavery school as well as the implications of junking the comparative model. The chapter first highlights the social, economic, and political consequences of differences among slave regimes in the Americas for African Americans before proposing a research agenda for fourth-wave scholars that expands the scope of analysis of Afro-Latin America beyond the frame of slavery to include fuller explications of free black life. Several areas worth investigating are discussed, including the economic role of slaves and the human capital they accumulated under slavery; the rate and importance of manumission as well as the legal and effective support given to it by the slave-owning elite; the role of the free colored class well before final slave emancipation; and the attitude of elite toward slavery, slaves, and free blacks.


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