scholarly journals The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste

2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Aos Yuli Firdaus

As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.

Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Khory Wandira Ambarsari ◽  
Helda Risman

<p>Indonesia and Timor Leste have had an irrelevant relationship related to the history of Seroja Operation on 7 December 1975 when the TNI, formerly known as ABRI (Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia) carried out a total military operation in order to keep Timor Leste for not separate from Indonesia, while later it caused losses where many TNI and <em>Falintil- Forças De Defesa De Timor Leste</em> (F-FDTL)’s personnel were killed in the war. Time passed, now the relationship between both countries is getting better due to the efforts from the Indonesian and Timor Leste’s parties, especially the national armies, had been done. To solve the conflict between those countries, defense diplomacy is needed. In this article, the writers tend to describe how both armed forces conduct defense diplomacy so Indonesia and Timor Leste’s relationship is getting better, indeed now both countries have done some collaborations in some aspects in the economy and military. Later, the writers will analyze more to find out the best conflict resolution that had been done by both armed forces, and the existence of each State Leaders’ participation. It is clearly stated that by utilizing defense diplomacy through visiting state leaders, having an official meeting, holding military cooperation such as doing exchange troops are some best ways of conflict resolution that can be done by Indonesia and Timor Leste to create a better relationship.</p><p>Keywords: Defense Diplomacy, Conflict Resolution, Indonesia National Army (TNI), F-FDTL, Timor Leste</p>


wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 172-181
Author(s):  
Mariam MARGARYAN ◽  
Marine MOVSISYAN

In this article, the authors have investigated the issues of complementarity of political and civic cultures in the Republic of Armenia and the importance of participation in their effective development. It has been stated that in the conditions of a democratic transition, participatory democracy can be false or marginal in nature, due to which it can be perceived as irresponsible freedom, but the reality is different. The mani­pu­lative and philosophical bases of participation were also studied. It has been substantiated the approach that in the absence of a consolidation, the new democratic space formed due to the active participation of the masses does not solve the problem of political stability, but on the contrary, deepens the crises of poli­tical development. It emphasizes that the effectiveness of the process of overcoming crises in the condi­ti­ons of democratic transition of the Republic of Armenia requires scientific-analytical management based on the principles of consolidation, the professionalism of the strategic elites; especially after the “Velvet Revoluti?n”. The relationship between democracy and demarchy were also studied.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (57) ◽  
pp. 30-43
Author(s):  
Stanisław Bożyk

The purpose of this article is to evaluate or to determine the constitutional status of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland in the light of the basic principles of the political system. The position of the lower chamber of the Polish parliament is presented in turn against the backdrop of four principles: the sovereignty of the Nation, political representation, political pluralism, and the separation and balancing of powers. In the context of the latter principle, the relationship between the Sejm and the executive is also presented.


Author(s):  
E. D. Salmygina ◽  

Small states are very weak in the political area. That is why there is a need for them to try to choose the various foreign policy strategies to defend themselves. Belarus is a small state that needs to survive in our rapidly developing and politically unstable world. Having emerged as a newly independent state as the result of the collapse of the USSR, Belarus faced a difficult choice in the decision where it was going to move further and on whom it could rely. In particular, in recent years, Belarus needs to make a subtle strategic calculation as to how to manage its relations with two important partners: Russia and China. This article considers the theory of small states’ foreign policy strategies in detail. It analyzes the choice of Belarus’s foreign policy strategies towards China and Russia. It shows that Belarus combines some characteristics from the classic small states’ foreign policy strategies, and it does not fully follow any of them.


2022 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 391-400
Author(s):  
Driola Susuri

The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has defined the form of government and separation of state powers, as a fundamental principle of democracy, where the President of the Republic of Kosovo is not part of any of the state powers, but the constitutional powers he exercises affect that he has connections with all state powers. This paper addresses the relation of the President of the Republic of Kosovo with the legislative power, including the exercise of some of his constitutional powers, namely the convening of the constitutive session of the Assembly, the dissolution of the Assembly and the annual speech of the President in the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo. The above-mentioned competencies, in addition to the theoretical aspect, are also analyzed in the practical aspect when these constitutional competencies of the President were materialized by President Jahjaga during the mandate 2011-2016. Also, the political stalemate and the actions taken by the President, Mrs. Atifete Jahjaga for his overcoming, criticisms and recommendations of the European Commission in the Progress Reports regarding the political stalemate in the country. since the declaration of Kosovo as an independent state in 2008, it has managed to complete a full constitutional mandate, five years, unlike its predecessors and successors until 2019. Therefore, this paper aims to elaborate the exercise of some constitutional powers and the practice of one of the most important constitutional institutions in the Republic of Kosovo, that of the President of the Republic of Kosovo.


Author(s):  
HIROSHI KIMURA

This article examines why Soviet-Japanese relations since 1945 have been so poor at the political, economic, and military levels. It first analyzes recent changes in Moscow's foreign policy toward Japan and then looks at the major determinants shaping this policy. Kimura assesses recent Soviet policy and concludes that the Soviet Union has few diplomatic options open to improve the Soviet-Japanese relationship. Soviet diplomacy in the past has been heavy-handed, clumsy, and inflexible, especially as regards the so-called Northern Territories. Soviet attitudes must evidence greater flexibility and a willingness to negotiate before the relationship can be significantly improved.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 111-131
Author(s):  
Bulent Diken ◽  
Carsten Bagge Laustsen ◽  

The article elaborates on Arendt’s take on the religious and the political and on how they interact and merge in modernity, especially in totalitarianism. We start with framing the three different understandings of religion in Arendt: first, a classic understanding of religion, which is foreign to the logic of the political; second, a secularized political religion; and third, a weak messianism. Both the classic understanding of religion and the political religion deny human freedom in Arendt’s sense. Her transcendent alternative to them both is the notion of the democratic political community: the Republic. Then we turn to Arendt’s political theology, illuminating why interrogating Nazism is central to examine the relationship between politics and religion in modernity. This is followed by a discussion of Nazism as a type of political religion. We focus here on totalitarianism, both as an idea and actual institution. We conclude with an assessment of the role of profanation in Arendt’s work and its significance vis-à-vis the contemporary ‘return of religion’ as well as totalitarian tendencies which call for new forms of voluntary servitude.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Barbara Botter

This paper addresses the question of the relationship between the diaita, that is, the psychophysical conditions related to nutrition, and the political regime that it generates in Plato’s philosophy. It will be argued that the reasons that stimulate Plato’s critique to the dietary nomos, that emerge in the V-IV BC centuries following the development of the culinary technique, are especially political reasons. Our purpose is to find the relationship between a food habit and a government’s pattern. In order to attain the aim, the article is divided into the following parts: First, we argue about Plato’s interest in foods and the effects that food has on individual and on political health; Then we examine the Plato’s judgment about the new habits and their social influences; Finally, we analyse the relationship between diaita and politics in the Republic and Laws. Keywords: Plato, diaita, politics, nomos.


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