scholarly journals Konstitusionalitas Ancaman Pidana Terhadap Kejari (Penetapan Status Barang Sitaan dan Prekursor Narkotika)

Wajah Hukum ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 481
Author(s):  
Emir Ardiansyah ◽  
Ulya Kencana ◽  
Romli SA

Studies on the constitutionality of criminal threats against the Attorney General's Office (Head of the State Prosecutor's Office) in determining the status of confiscated narcotics and narcotic precursors, based on the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 35 of 2009 concerning Narcotics, it is very necessary to do so. The regulation has an over-criminalization nuance that is detrimental to the constitutional rights of the Kejari. The research aims to analyze the role of the state in protecting the constitutional rights of the Kejari within the rule of law framework. The scope of the research describes the structure of values or norms in statutory regulations and the principles it adheres to. Legal principles are used in interpreting the Narcotics Law by linking it to the rule of law framework. The research method is normative legal research using secondary data. The results of the research revealed that the provisions in Article 141 and Article 91 paragraph (1) of the Narcotics Law have the potential to violate the constitutional rights of the Kejari. because it is not in accordance with the protection of constitutional rights in the institutional structure of the prosecutor's office, which may not be intervened in criminal law enforcement. In conclusion, the state plays a major role in implementing the protection of the constitutional rights of citizens and Kejari officials. The state is obliged to fulfill, respect and protect the constitutional rights of citizens. Institutionally, the state synergizes with the prosecutor's office must affirm the ethical and administrative areas concretely and limitatively, so as not to cause obscurity of norms and excessive criminalization of non-criminal acts to become criminal acts.

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Nadezhda Biyushkina

Introduction. The relevance of this scientific article is due to the fact that the problem of law enforcement is directly related to the protection of the rights and freedoms of the individual, the successful development of individual social groups and society as a whole. Purpose. The authors set a goal to analyze the views of such researchers as R. von Mol, N. Delamar, I.T. Tarasov, I.E. Andreevsky, V.F. Deryuzhinsky, N.N. Belyavsky, V.M. Hesse and others on a number of major problems: the tasks of the police in law enforcement, the correlation of concepts: “law and order” and “deanery”, measures of police control and supervision, issues of combating criminal and political crime. Methodology. In preparing the scientific article, a system of methods for studying legal reality was used (general scientific methods: synthesis, analysis, deduction, induction, system-structural method; private scientific methods: dogmatic method, historical and legal method, comparative legal method, chronological method, retrospective analysis method). Results. In the course of the research, it turned out that for police scientists, the idea of the decisive role of the state in protecting the rule of law is characteristic. Conclusion. In their writings, police scientists emphasize the idea that the role of the state in the protection of the rule of law lies in the multifaceted activities of the police authorities, performing the protective function of the state. The concept of law and order during the study period was inseparable from the term “deanery” and constituted its legal basis. The goal of the state in the representation of power and society XVIII – beg. XX centuries there was an idea of a common good, repeatedly proclaimed both in legislative acts and in the writings of police researchers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Fitriani Amalia ◽  
Anies Prima Dewi

The existence of human rights in the conception of the rule of law and democracy in Indonesia is the most basic. However, the concept of regulating human rights by the state does not mean that there is a restriction on human rights by the State, but the concept is regulation by the State. Using normative legal research, also called doctrinal law research. In this type of legal research, law is often conceptualized as what is written in laws and regulations (law in books). Analyzed using qualitative descriptive analysis. The results of this study indicate that, in a democratic country, the implementation of human rights is a must. The degree of implementation of democracy and human rights is also influenced by the role of the State. The implementation of democracy and human rights with the people's sovereignty are ideals to be achieved.Keywords: democracy; human rights. AbstrakKeberadaan Hak Asasi Manusia dalam konsepsi Negara hukum dan demokrasi di Indonesia suatu hal yang paling mendasar. Namun konsepsi pengaturan hak asasi manusia oleh negara tersebut bukan berarti terjadinya pengekangan hak asasi manusia oleh Negara, namun konsepsinya adalah pengaturan oleh Negara. Menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif, di sebut juga penelitian hukum doktrinal. Pada penelitian hukum jenis ini, acapkali hukum di konsepkan sebagai apa yang tertulis dalam peraturan perundang undangan (law in books). Dianalisis menggunakan analisis deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, pada suatu Negara yang berdemokrasi, implementasi Hak Asasi Manusia merupakan suatu keharusan. Tingkatan implementasi demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia juga dipengaruhi oleh peran Negara. Implementasi demokrasi dan Hak asasi manusia yang berkedaulatan rakyat merupakan cita-cita yang hendak dicapai.Kata Kunci : demokrasi; hak asasi manusia.


Author(s):  
Kevork Oskanian

Abstract This article contributes a securitisation-based, interpretive approach to state weakness. The long-dominant positivist approaches to the phenomenon have been extensively criticised for a wide range of deficiencies. Responding to Lemay-Hébert's suggestion of a ‘Durkheimian’, ideational-interpretive approach as a possible alternative, I base my conceptualisation on Migdal's view of state weakness as emerging from a ‘state-in-society's’ contested ‘strategies of survival’. I argue that several recent developments in Securitisation Theory enable it to capture this contested ‘collective knowledge’ on the state: a move away from state-centrism, the development of a contextualised ‘sociological’ version, linkages made between securitisation and legitimacy, and the acknowledgment of ‘securitisations’ as a contested Bourdieusian field. I introduce the concept of ‘securitisation gaps’ – divergences in the security discourses and practices of state and society – as a concept aimed at capturing this contested role of the state, operationalised along two logics (reactive/substitutive) – depending on whether they emerge from securitisations of the state action or inaction – and three intensities (latent, manifest, and violent), depending on the extent to which they involve challenges to state authority. The approach is briefly illustrated through the changing securitisation gaps in the Republic of Lebanon during the 2019–20 ‘October Uprising’.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 471-491
Author(s):  
Paul Hare

AbstractKornai's earlier works embodied the idea that state institutions formed a system with a strong tendency to reproduce itself, and hence to resist minor reforms. Thus, at the end of socialism, huge changes were needed in politics, economics, and the law to build a new system oriented towards the market-type economy, which would again be stable, self-reinforcing and self-sustaining. Transition promoted the development of new states in Eastern Europe that conformed to the Copenhagen criteria for the EU accession. Were we too hasty in thinking that we had succeeded? The new systems are not returning to the previous one, and only in a few areas have the basic norms of a market-type economy been set aside in Hungary or Poland. But concerns arise at the interface between politics, law and economics – to do with the rule of law, the nature and role of the state, and the interactions between parliament, the executive and the judiciary. Unavoidably, there is also an interesting international dimension here, represented by the shift from the Warsaw Pact and CMEA to NATO and the EU. This paper explores these issues in the light of some of Kornai's recent analysis of developments in Hungary, while also drawing on his very insightful earlier works.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 141
Author(s):  
Rimbawanto ◽  
Doddy Kridasaksana ◽  
Ariyono

<p>Tujuan yang hendak dicapai dari penelitian ini dapat mengetahui perlindungan hukum terhadap perbatasan wilayah antara Negara Republik Indonesia dengan Timor Leste dan kendala dan upaya mengatasi masalah perbatasan wilayah antara Negara Republik Indonesia dengan Timor Leste.</p><p>Penelitian ini menggunakan yuridis normatif yaitu penelitian hukum yang dilakukan dengan cara meneliti atau mempelajari masalah dilihat dari segi aturan hukumnya, meneliti bahan pustaka atau data sekunder</p><p>Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan secara umum berdasarkan hasil inventarisir peraturan perundang-undangan, pengakuan masyarakat adat di Indonesia tidak dalam posisi untuk mengakui keberadaan masyarakat adat, melainkan untuk membatasi keberadaan masyarakat adat.</p><pre>The objectives to be achieved from this research can be legal protection of the territorial border between the Republic of Indonesia and Timor Leste and the constraints and efforts to overcome the border issues between the Republic of Indonesia and Timor Leste.</pre><pre>               This study uses yuridis normative, namely legal research conducted by researching or studying the problem seen in terms of the rule of law, researching library materials or secondary data</pre><pre>               The results of this study show Generally based on the results of inventory of legislation, the recognition of indigenous peoples in Indonesia is not in a position to recognize the existence of indigenous peoples, but rather to limit the existence of indigenous peoples. </pre><pre> </pre>


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Andrew S Gold

Abstract: In the abstract, the limits on a lawyer’s loyalty obligations could take several forms. For example, constraints on a fiduciary’s loyalty obligations may be derived from a correct understanding of that fiduciary’s loyalty itself. Indeed, violations might count as a form of disloyalty to the client. Alternatively, such constraints could stem from obligations owed to parties other than a lawyer’s client, or even something more abstract like the rule of law. Notably, such constraints could be derived from legal principles that have nothing to do with fiduciary law. Each of these options is a conceptual possibility, contingent on the choices made by a given legal system. Constraints on a loyalty obligation that are implications of that loyalty obligation itself are defined here as internal. Constraints imposed from outside a given fiduciary loyalty obligation are defined as external. This paper seeks to deepen our understanding of a particular type of fiduciary loyalty (the loyalty owed by lawyers) by focusing on the role of such internal constraints, and in the process to elaborate on the scope of loyalty obligations more generally. This paper will also indicate why we should care about the internal/external distinction. Among other things, this distinction helps determine whether lawyers are better seen as private or public fiduciaries, and in practice it may bear on both judicial reasoning and legal compliance.


TEME ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1419
Author(s):  
Bálint Pásztor

The author of the article analyzes the specificities of the normative control of the law, i.e. the procedure of assessing the constitutionality and legality of the law in the Republic of Serbia, with the aim of detecting historical and legal preconditions of the effective functioning of the rule of law. The historical perspective of the development of the constitutional judiciary in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Republic of Serbia, as well as the analysis of the experiences of various systems of control of constitutionality and legality, open the contextual, scientific-historical and pragmatic dimensions of understanding. The specificity of the system of normative control is reflected in its triplicity, meaning that three institutes are known that characterize different procedural possibilities (to initiate the process of assessing the constitutionality and legality of general acts). The paper is written in order to point out the dichotomy of the proposal and initiative of the procedure of the assessment of constitutionality and legality, as well as the advantages and disadvantages of the ex officio procedure. Furthermore, the author wanted to point out the essential and procedural differences between the proposal, the initiative and the constitutional complaint, especially analyzing the purpose of retaining the institute of the initiative in the light of the existence of the constitutional complaint and the fact that the initiative does not imply the automation of the initiation of proceedings. The dilemma that the article opens concerns the possibility that in the case of abolishing the initiative as an institution accessible to all, is it possible to preserve the democratic culture and the participation of citizens, furthermore is it possible to abolish the fundamental institutional values and freedoms of a legal state and the rule of law? The paper opens other issues of importance for the establishment of an effective constitutional architecture that concern: the width of the circle of authorized proposers of normative control before the Constitutional Court; the dual role of the constitutional judiciary: on the one hand protection of the Constitution, constitutionality and legality, on the other hand effective protection of human and minority rights and freedoms.


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