scholarly journals Towards Improved Policymaking in Ireland:Contestability and the Marketplace for Ideas

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 2-15
Author(s):  
Frank Barry
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Policy Advice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Strict Interpretation ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
Political Decisions

The current market for policy advice in Ireland is highly cartelised. A more contestable “marketplace for ideas” would afford greater opportunity for good ideas to challenge bad ones and would diminish the power of vested interests, including elements of the political establishment and the bureaucracy itself. Policy weaknesses could have been identified much earlier were the policy-making system more transparent and contestable. By obscuring where policy advice ends and political decisions begin, the strict interpretation of the “doctrine of the corporation sole” facilitates the evasion of responsibility and institutionalises a regime of inappropriate incentives. Greater inquisitorial powers for Oireachtas committees should prove valuable but other incentives within the system also need to be changed if more efficient outcomes are to be secured.

Commentary

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Sinfield
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Spending ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Tax System ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Imf

Increasing inequality was a deliberate policy of the Thatcher governments, marking a significant shift in UK policy-making. The strategy was supported by strong vested interests and active myth-making that stigmatized both social spending and its recipients. The legacy of Thatcherism has been powerful and persistent, leading to an acceptance of the increased inequality and a lack of challenge to its proponents and beneficiaries. There now appears to be a growing challenge to this acquiescence from many quarters including the churches and, surprisingly, the IMF, as well as many more detailed analyses of the wide differences in income and wealth. The arguments against increased inequality have strengthened again, bolstered by growing evidence of exploitation of the tax system, but is the political will strong enough to bring about significant changes?

German Social Stratification

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ministerial Bureaucracy ◽  
Political Decisions

This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership of the Nazi Party, the Army, the ministerial bureaucracy, and the representatives of certain powerful business groups. The economic groups usually kept in the background, although their voice in the fundamental decisions of policy-making was just as strong as, and perhaps even stronger than, that of the government (state and Party). The chapter provides an overview of five ruling groups in Nazi Germany: the leadership of the Nazi Party and affiliated organizations; the top strata of the governmental and political bureaucracy; the High Command of the Armed Forces and its representatives; the leadership of big business; and the landed aristocracy. It also looks at the ruled social groups, which include artisans, civil servants, and peasants.

La politique forestière vaudoise: une orientation résolument «patrimoine multifonctionnel» | Forestry policy in the canton of Vaud: the “multifunctional heritage” option

2011 ◽  
Vol 162 (7) ◽  
pp. 209-215
Author(s):  
Jean-François Métraux
Keyword(s):  
Driving Force ◽  
Management Plan ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wood Production ◽  
Forest Owners ◽  
Forestry Policy ◽  
Forestry Management ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
Forest Managers

In the years since 2000, the authorities in charge of forests in canton Vaud have made some substantial changes as a reaction to the political decisions arising from the Swiss Forest Programme and the projected revision of the Federal forestry Law, as well as to the deterioration of the economic situation in forestry enterprises. This article gives a survey of the directions taken. Thus the canton recognises the primordial role of wood production as a driving force behind the creation of a multifunctional forest. The Service for Forests, Wildlife and Nature has invested a great deal in planning, and has redefined the management plan to be an instrument intended for forest owners and forest managers. The canton has innovated by introducing forestry groups and a scheme of equalisation of forestry costs between communes. Hence the conception of forestry management in canton Vaud is resolutely that of a multifunctional natural heritage.

The Dual Executive

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Belco ◽  
Brandon Rottinghaus
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
Government Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Function ◽  
Dual Roles ◽  
System P ◽  
Policy Making Process

The president serves dual roles in the political system: one who “commands” by pursuing his or her agenda using unilateral orders and one who “administers” and who works to continue proper government function, often with the support of Congress. In a reassessment of the literature on unilateral power, this book considers the president’s dual roles during the stages of the policy-making process. Although presidents may appear to act “first and alone,” the reality is often much different. Presidents act in response to their own concerns, as well as assisting Congress on priorities and the need to maintain harmonic government function. The authors find support for both the model of an aggressive president who uses unilateral orders to push his or her agenda, head off unfavorable congressional legislation, and selectively implement legislation, and they find support for a unifying president who is willing to share management of government, support Congressional legislative efforts, and faithfully implement legislation. At the same time, presidents self-check their actions based on the ability of Congress to act to overturn their orders, through a shared sense of responsibility to keep government moving and out of respect for the constitutional balance. The shared nature of unilateral orders does not preclude an active president, as presidents remain strong, central actors in the political system.

Legislators, Bureaucrats, and Canadian Democracy: The Long and the Short of It

1977 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 615-624 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Sigelman ◽  
William G. Vanderbok
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Substantial Proportion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Annual Average ◽  
Canadian Politics ◽  
Strategic Role

The bureaucratization of the political process that characterizes twentieth century politics in many countries has not bypassed Canada—as evidenced by skyrocketing rates of government employment and expenditure and, even more dramatically, by the ever-expanding policy-making power of Canadian bureaucracy. One observer sees the civil service as occupying an increasingly strategic role in Canadian politics, a condition thatreflects in part the expanding role of modern government into highly technical areas, which tends to augment the discretion of permanent officials because legislators are obliged to delegate to them the administration of complex affairs, including the responsibility for drafting and adjudicating great amounts of sub-legislation required to “fill in the details” of the necessarily broad, organic statutes passed by Parliament. Some indication of the scale of such discretion is found in the fact that, during the period 1963–8, an annual average of 4,130 Orders-in-Council were passed in Ottawa, a substantial proportion of which provided for delegating authority to prescribe rules and regulations to ministers and their permanent advisers. By contrast, the number of laws passed annually by Canadian federal parliaments is rarely over one hundred.

From One-Stop Graft to Costly Corruption Webs: Democratisation and Shifting Patterns of Corruption in Korea

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Schopf
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Veto Players ◽  
Objective Measures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
One Stop ◽  
The Web

Abstract Democratisation has brought a new, riskier pattern of corruption to Korea. More groups and institutions have secured a role in a more inclusive democratic policy making process. As a result, corruption schemes now require the consent of a wide and diverse set of veto players, often including the political opposition, producing expansive democratic ‘corruption webs’. The key democratic element of competition for votes rewards opposition members in the web for blowing the whistle. Increased likelihood of exposure and punishment deter many from corruption, which has subsequently declined in Korea under democracy, as measured by perception polls, experience surveys and objective measures of elite rent exchange. The Roh Moo-hyeon NACF scandals demonstrate that democratic corruption webs also mitigate damage from scandals — forcing participants to limit rent exchange to minimise exposure to clean veto players. Democratic oversight ensures that even bribe-taking officials implement policy according to publicly-declared objectives. Finally, competition for votes encourages timely exposure of democratic corruption rackets.

The Feudal Dynasty and Politics in Pakistan: A Socio-Political Analysis of Season of the Rainbirds in the Light of New Historicism

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
Mubarra Javed ◽  
Naushaba Haq
Keyword(s):  
New Historicism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Low Literacy ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Economic Survival ◽  
Vested Interests ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military

This research paper explores the factors behind the political instability and economic inequality in Pakistan, especially during General Zia’s military regime as reflected in Nadeem Aslam’s novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’ (1993), in the light of the theory of New Historicism. The study highlights that the military intervened in political affairs and imposed martial law in 1977. The parliamentary democratic process in Pakistan did not get stability due to certain factors, such as feudal dynasty, social and economic inequalities, exploitation of masses, and low literacy rate. The feudal elites have always supported the military in this process to seek their vested interests, as their dominance over political affairs has been great. On the other hand, the masses’ dependency on their land for economic survival has worsened the situation. This study is based on a qualitative research approach and has been carried out by doing a textual analysis of the selected excerpts from the novel ‘Season of the Rainbirds’. The findings reveal that the social composition of the feudal class has undermined the institution of democracy and caused political, social, and economic disintegration. It monopolized the institution of politics and made a way for the military to intervene in the political affairs of the country. Without the provision of social and economic justice, democracy cannot get stability in Pakistan.

scholarly journals Resultan Politik dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 dalam Politik Hukum Pemilu

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Political Decisions

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.

scholarly journals DINAMIKA ELEKTORAL YANG MEMPENGARUHI MASYARAKAT DUSUN KIMARAGANG DI DUN TANDEK DALAM PILIHAN RAYA DUN SABAH PADA ERA UNITED SABAH NATIONAL ORGANISATION (USNO) DAN PARTI BERSATU RAKYAT JELATA SABAH (BERJAYA): 1967 – 1982

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
MANUAL DAMILAN ◽  
LAI YEW MENG ◽  
MAUREEN DE SILVA
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political History ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
Social Characteristics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Language Family ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Decisions ◽  
National Organisation

Artikel ini membincangkan dinamika elektoral yang mempengaruhi gelombang sentimen dan pilihan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang semasa Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah 1967 hingga 1982, iaitu semasa era pentadbiran United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) dan Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA). Ramai penulis dan pengkaji mendakwa bahawa senario politik Malaysia khususnya di Sabah sejak dahulu adalah berasaskan dinamika primordial, iaitu sentimen kuat yang tidak dapat dielakkan dan berkait dengan persamaan ciri sosial manusia seperti agama, etnik, puak, bahasa, kekeluargaan dan sebagainya (Loh, 2009; xii). Senario ini telah menyebabkan kebanyakan parti politik cenderung meletakkan calon yang memiliki banyak persamaan dari segi etnik dan agama dengan pengundi di satu-satu kawasan. Walaupun begitu, kemenangan calon bukan Kimaragang (Pilihan Raya 1967 dan 1981) dan kemenangan calon beragama Islam pada tahun 1971 dan 1982 di kawasan Tandek membuktikan bahawa dinamika primordial bukanlah satu-satunya dinamika yang mempengaruhi sentimen dan keputusan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang. Sebaliknya, terdapat juga dinamika-dinamika lain yang turut terlibat. Justeru, berpandukan kepada pendekatan kualitatif, kajian akan melihat sejauhmana dinamika primordial mempengaruhi sentimen politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang di kawasan DUN Tandek dari tahun1967 hingga 1982. Kata kunci: Dinamika elektoral, Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah, DUN Tandek, sejarah politik Sabah, masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang, Kota Marudu. This article discusses the electoral dynamics affecting the popular groundswell and political choice of the Kimaragang Dusun community in Sabah State Assembly elections from 1967 to 1982, notably during the era of the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA) administration. Many writers and researchers claim that Malaysia’s political scenario especially in Sabah has been primarily driven by primordial dynamics which refers to strong sentiments related to human social characteristics such as religion, ethnicity, language, family, and so on (Loh, 2009, p. xii) . This scenario has created a tendency among many political parties to place candidates who share common ethnic and religious attributes with the majority of voters in one area. However, the victory of non-Kimaragang candidates (1967 and 1981 State Election) as well as Muslim candidates in 1971 and 1982 in the predominantly Dusun Kimaragang area of Tandek proved that primordial sentiments were not the only electoral dynamic affecting the popular groundswell and political decisions of the Kimaragang Dusun community as there were also other dynamics involved. Hence, based on a qualitative approach, the study seeks to analyse the extent to which primordial dynamics influenced the political sentiments of the Kimaragang Dusun community in the Tandek state constituency from 1967 to 1982. Keywords: Electoral dynamics, Sabah State Assembly election, Tandek State Constituency, Sabah political history, Dusun Kimaragang community,Kota Marudu.

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