Islamic Universalism or Ethno-nationalism? Exploring identity salience within a Kurdish migrant community in Britain

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-221
Author(s):  
Serena Hussain

This article examines identity salience among members of a Kurdish Muslim migrant community in England. The study, in contrast to previous research on the Kurdish diaspora, focuses on religious identity in a small-city context, with recently arrived migrants, predominately from Iraqi Kurdistan. In-depth interviews highlight how ethnic repression within sending nations results in greater politicisation of ethnicity and in turn salience over all other identities, even within a non-Muslim setting. As such, findings did not demonstrate growing salience of religious identity over ethno-national identities, in order to close ranks with other Muslim minorities in a local context, as described in literature on ‘Islamic diasporas’. Abstract in Kurmanji Gerdûnparêziya îslamî ya netewparêziya nijadî ? Vekolîna girîngiya nasnameyî di civateke Kurdên koçber li Brîtanyayê de Ev nivîsar girîngiya nasnameyî ya li nav endamên civateke Kurdên misilman ên koçber li Inglîstanê vedikole. Li berevajiyê lêkolînên bihorî yên li ser diyasporaya kurd, ev vekolîn li ser nasnameya dînî ya koçberên nûhatî, pirraniya wan ji Kurdistana Êraqê ve, di çarçoveya bajarokeke piçûk de radiweste. Hevdîtinên hûrgilî bal dikişînin ser polîtîzebûna bêhtir a ku bi encama zordestiya nijadî li neteweyên birêkêr pêk hat û, li ser vê, girîngiya meztir a nasnameya nijadî li ber hemû nasnameyên din, heta di hawirdoreke ne-misilman de jî. Weha, van encam hane girîngiya zêde ya nasnameya olî li hember nasnameyên nijadî-neteweyî nîşan nedaye, li berevajiyê destbiratiya herêmî ya bi kêmneteweyên misilman ên din re ku di edebiyata li ser ‘diyasporayên misilman’ de tê dîtin. Abstract in Sorani Îslamî cîhanî yan nasêwnallîzmî êtnî? Lêkollîneweyek le ser giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan komellêk koçberî kurd le le Berîtanya Em wutare şirovey giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan endamanî komellêk koçberî musullmanî kurd dekat le Berîtaniya. Twêjîneweke be pêçewaney twêjînewekanî pêştir le ser rewendî kurd le tarawge, tîşk dexate ser nasnamey ayinî le nêw koçberî tazegeyştû le Kurdistanî ‘Êraqewe,‌ le çwarçêwey‌ şarêkî biçûkda. Çawpêkewtinî dûrxayan derîxistwe ke çawsanewey êtnî le wllatî koçkirdinewe debête hoy besiyasîbûnî nasnamey êtnî û zallbûnî be ser nasnamekanîtir da, tenanet le nêwendî namusullmanekanîş da. Le ber ewe encamekan zallî nasnamey ayinî be ser nasnamey êtnî dernaxen bo nizîkbûnewe le gell kamayetiy musullmanekanîtir le nêwendî nawxoda, wek leserçawekanîtir le ser musllmananî ‌tarawge baskrawn. Abstract in Zazaki Îslamî cîhanî yan nasêwnallîzmî êtnî? Lêkollîneweyek le ser giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan komellêk koçberî kurd le le Berîtanya Em wutare şirovey giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan endamanî komellêk koçberî musullmanî kurd dekat le Berîtaniya. Twêjîneweke be pêçewaney twêjînewekanî pêştir le ser rewendî kurd le tarawge, tîşk dexate ser nasnamey ayinî le nêw koçberî tazegeyştû le Kurdistanî ‘Êraqewe,‌ le çwarçêwey‌ şarêkî biçûkda. Çawpêkewtinî dûrxayan derîxistwe ke çawsanewey êtnî le wllatî koçkirdinewe debête hoy besiyasîbûnî nasnamey êtnî û zallbûnî be ser nasnamekanîtir da, tenanet le nêwendî namusullmanekanîş da. Le ber ewe encamekan zallî nasnamey ayinî be ser nasnamey êtnî dernaxen bo nizîkbûnewe le gell kamayetiy musullmanekanîtir le nêwendî nawxoda, wek leserçawekanîtir le ser musllmananî ‌tarawge baskrawn.

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susilo Wibisono ◽  
Winnifred Louis ◽  
Jolanda Jetten

Indonesia has seen recent expansions of fundamentalist movements mobilising members in support a change to the current constitution. Against this background, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we explored the intersection of religious and national identity among Indonesian Muslims quantitatively, and in Study 2, we qualitatively examined religious and national identification among members of moderate and fundamentalist religious organisations. Specifically, Study 1 (N= 178) assessed whether the association of religious and national identity was moderated by religious fundamentalism. Results showed that strength of religious identification was positively associated with strength of national identification for both those high and low in fundamentalism. Using structured interviews and focus group discussions, Study 2 (N =35) examined the way that self-alignment with religious and national groups develops among activists of religious movements in Indonesia. We found that while more fundamentalist activists attached greater importance to their religious identity than to any other identity (e.g., national and ethnic), more moderate activists represented their religious and national identities as more integrated and compatible. We conclude that for Indonesian Muslims higher in religious fundamentalism, religious and national identities appear to be less integrated and this is consequential for the way in which collective agendas are pursued.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 303
Author(s):  
Andreas Jonathan

This study attempts to discuss on how religious identities contribute to or was in conflict with the emerging national identities, with focusing issue on the struggle of Islam in its relation to Indonesian identity as a multi-religious nation and Pancasila state. Based on the critical analysis from the various literature, the result of the study showed that Islam did both contribute and was in conflict with the Indonesian national identity. The Islamist fights for the Islamic state, the nationalist defends Pancasila state. As long as Islam is the majority in Indonesia and as long as there is diversity in Islam, especially in the interpretation of Islam and the state, Indonesian national identity will always be in conflict between Pancasila state and Islamic state. Even though, the role of religion in society and nation change is very significant. The Islamist is always there, although it is not always permanent in certain organizations. In the past, NU and Muhammadiyah were considered as Islamist, but today they are nationalist. At the same time, new Islamist organizations and parties emerge to continue their Islamist spirit. Keywords: Islam, Religious identity, Pancasila, 


2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 15-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
V.N. Galyapina ◽  
J.J. Khojiev

The paper focuses on the study of the of impact ethnic, religious, civil and Russian identities, ethnic stereotypes on the strategies of acculturation and on the adaptation of migrants from Central Asia in the Moscow region. Representatives of two ethnic groupsparticipated in the research: 105 Uzbeks and 96 Tajiks (N= 201). The methods of the study included the scales of acculturation strategies, ethnic and national identities from the MIRIPS (Mutual Intercultural Relations in Plural Societies) project questionnaire. The results of path analysis in AMOS program showed that integration and assimilation are the most successful strategies for migrants from Central Asia: integration contributed to self-esteem, while assimilation promoted life satisfaction. Integration is basically determined by ethnic and Russian identities, whereas assimilation is determined mostly by identification with the country of origin and by Russian identity as well as by the negative impact of ethnic identity. Separation and marginalization do not contribute to self-esteem of the migrants; however, positive heterostereotype of the Russians and Russian national identity prevent the migrants from choosing separation and marginalization. The choice of strategy is largely affected by religious identity. Expressed religious identity has a negative impact on the socio-cultural adaptation of the migrants from Central Asia in the Moscow region.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 171-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gina A. Garcia ◽  
Oscar E. Patrón ◽  
Jenesis J. Ramirez ◽  
Lisanne T. Hudson

This article challenges the notion of underachievement of Latino male collegians by examining those who successfully enter higher education. Using in-depth interviews, we analyze the way three different institutional types contribute to the racial/ethnic identity salience of Latinos, looking specifically at the curricular and co-curricular structures available at a Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI) and emerging HSI in comparison with non-HSIs. Findings reveal differences in identity salience based on the college context.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2(36)) ◽  
pp. 14-22
Author(s):  
SAMOSIR OSBIN

The 2019 and 2014 General Elections in Indonesia was laden with religious identity politics. The election of the DKI Jakarta Governor in 2017 confirmed the politics of religious identity. People were fed up of continuing the democratic process because black and dirty campaigns ruined elections. The Indonesia’s democratic posture is getting worse. Presidential candidates were also divided into the Allah party for supporters of Islamic religious identity and the Ibilis party branded for those who opposed. The principles of democracy, namely respect for human dignity, exclusion of primordial issues, open and fair elections, freedom for voters are actually lost and damage Indonesian democracy. For a long time, the issue of religious identity politics was the most dangerous for democracy and a healthy political process in Indonesia. How was the fate of Christian politicians in such bad religious identity politics at that time when they were nominated by political parties from strong Islam-based regions? The personal attitude of Christian candidates who can be trusted between their words and deeds, speaking less but doing more is able to transcend fears in the politics of religious identity. This research looks at the 2019 and 2014 General Elections to be a reflection towards the 2024 Simultaneous General Elections through in-depth interviews and literature reviews.


2021 ◽  
pp. 20-32
Author(s):  
Eldar Kh. Seidametov ◽  
◽  

The article examines the situation of the Tatars and other Muslim minorities in Bulgaria during the communist period. The policy of the state in relation to Muslim minorities after the proclamation of the People`s Republic of Bulgaria and the establishment of socialism in the state according to the Soviet model, when the political, economic and social models of the USSR were imported and introduced without taking into account the national characteristics of Bulgaria, are analyzed. As in the Soviet Union (especially in the early stage of its formation, religion was banned and this applied to all confessions without exception. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) made every effort eradicate religious identity and, in particular, Islamic identity. It was planned to replace the religious ideological fragment with a socialist one, and then, on its platform, form and stimulate the development of the national, modernist and Soviet identity of Muslims. Moreover, the emphasis was also placed on improving the way of life and the material situation of the Muslim population, which, according to the Marxist theory of culture, should have contributed to a more effective formation of socialist consciousness. The ruling party saw in the Muslim religious consciousness and rudiments of the Ottoman past, an obstacle on the way of socialist progress and formation of socialist consciousness. Emasculating elements of the religious worldview from the mind of people, the BCP set itself the task of creating a modern, secular, socialist personality. To this end, in 1946–1989 the government implemented a number of economic, educational and cultural establishments.


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
Manggala Ismanto

After the reformation, the strengthening of local identity has sprung up in several regions in Indonesia. The movement produced the revitalization of adat. These movements underlining the effort from communities which affiliated with a particular ethnic identity to gain claims of management of the natural and political-economic resources in their region. Contestation between the indigenous Dayak community and ‘Front Pembela Islam” (FPI) that occurred in Palangkaraya was a phenomenon that shows how indigenous people were able to assert its right to manage security and morality in their own society. The discourse of FPI’s establishment which often associated with vigilantism brought resistance and the refusal from Dayak community in Central Kalimantan. Through demonstrations, DAD and the indigenous Dayak community was able to exclude FPI from Palangkaraya. Thus, this research aims to analyze (1) the history of ethnic and religious identity movements in Indonesia after the reformation and (2) how the contestation between indigenous Dayak community and FPI occurred in the local context according to identity recognition and legitimation. This research used qualitative approach; data gathered through field observation and unstrucutred interviews. The research concludes that there is an awareness in the community to negotiate their position as an opposition to the occurence of a group with particular ideology, which has become the research highlight. This was proven by the case in Palangkaraya that vigilantism on the name of religion is not supposed to be maintain because it violates the right of other group.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
Darwis Darwis ◽  
Sasterio Sasterio

This article explains how the means of recruiting political parties in finding candidates for regional head in Sigi Regency. And how role models can influence the way people think in choosing. This study uses a qualitative method, by collecting data in the form of statements, behaviors and events through the use of observation methods, in-depth interviews, focus discussion groups, and searching for complementary materials from document data obtained to be analyzed as a relevant unit of information based on this research study. The results showed that even though the candidates were nominated by political partie the election 2015 in Sigi Regency, the candidates still represented their communities based on their religious identity. Each candidate for regional head who does not meet the qualifications or does not pass the administrative selection at the General Election Commissions of Sigi Regency each has a distinctive feature, namely a religious identity. The people of Sigi Regency seem to be more interested in the figures who will run for themselves than the political parties that carry them.


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