Editorial: Survival Strategies of Irregular Immigrants

2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Martina Cvajner ◽  
Giuseppe Sciortino

While there are numerous research efforts, supported by substantial budgets, to study the process of irregular border crossing, there is very little sustained research on how irregular migrants live for remarkable spells of time in social contexts where they lack any certified public identity. This leads to a paradoxical situation. We know that sizeable irregular migration flows cross the borders of all developed countries (as well as some developing ones). But we know very little of how, once entered, these migrants becomes immigrants, how they achieve the minimal goals of making an income, finding a place to sleep, avoiding being caught by the police and, not infrequently, attaining some degree of security and self-respect.

Author(s):  
Andrew Geddes

This article argues that a distinct repertoire of social and political contention associated with migration and the presence of immigrants in the UK plays a large part in structuring responses to ostensibly ‘new’ migration challenges such as people smuggling and human trafficking. This repertoire includes the elision and confusion of migration categories (particularly in this instance between irregular migration and asylum); the impact of state policies on the creation of ‘unwanted’ migration flows; fears of floods and invasions by ‘unwanted’ migrants; concerns that the state is losing control of migration; the depiction of migration and migrants as causes of increased support for the extreme right; the existence of labour market pull factors that provide economic spaces for both regular and irregular migrants; the symbolic power but limited effect of an international human rights regime and discourse; and problems of policy implementation. The contemporary twist is provided by the links made between irregular migration and the ‘war on terror’ and the ways in which migration has become a component of bilateral relations between the UK and other states, particularly those structured by EU competencies.


2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-674 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNE McNEVIN

AbstractIn this article I argue that the demands of irregular migrants to belong to political communities constitute key contemporary sites of ‘the political’. I also argue that geographies associated with neoliberal globalisation (transnational production circuits, special economic zones and global cities) are implicated in irregular migration flows and in new conceptions of political belonging. In relation to these claims, I reflect upon recent mobilisations in the US context, in which hundreds of thousands of irregular migrants and their supporters asserted the right to belong. I suggest that similar claims to belong are likely to proliferate and that neoliberal geographies may provide some clues as to where and how these contemporary frontiers of the political might proceed. I conclude by suggesting that a multidimensional approach to political belonging provides a sound conceptual starting point for the analytical and normative challenges raised by both the claims of non-status migrants and the sovereign practices of contemporary states.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2SI) ◽  
pp. 571-581
Author(s):  
Evrim Çınar

The irregular migration flows in the last decade from countries, where there are social unrest, civil wars and economic turmoil, towards developed western countries are one of the most populated human movements since the WWII. Hence each immigration flow has its own characteristics, the current irregular flows reveal a new migration outcome; the balance between State Security and Migrant Security. Since the migration policies are control based in some destination countries, they take precaution in order to reduce the irregular immigration flows by signing bilateral readmission agreements with 3rd countries. In that respect, Turkey and European Union relations in terms of irregular migration flows play a crucial and critical role due to its condition of transit migration state. The European Union accession process brought Turkey heavy duties. Controlling and preventing irregular migration became an obligation to its membership and to achieve its goals Turkey signed a readmission agreement with European Union. However, as any method of preventing irregular migration flows, Readmission Agreement of Turkey effect the balance between destination country security and irregular migrant security, especially refugees and asylum seekers rights. The main goal of this article is to find an answer to this question: does the Readmission Agreement of Turkey provide a balance between State Security and Migrant Security? This article intends to analyze the adverse security conditions of irregular migrants and state security compulsions.


2016 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 9-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nergis Canefe

AbstractIn the context of the series of civil wars that have struck the Middle East since the 1980s, the politico-economic changes in the post-Soviet geography of Eastern Europe and the Russian states, and the continuous turmoil in those parts of Africa and Asia where access to Turkish soil has been possible, Turkey emerged as a regional hub for receiving continuous flows of forced migration. As suggested by ample evidence in recent work on migration flows into Turkey, many of these “irregular migrants,” “stateless peoples,” or “asylum seekers” eventually become continuously employed under very unstable circumstances, thus fitting into the definition of the “precariat” or precarious proletariat. This paper examines the context within which such pervasive precarity takes root, directly affecting vulnerable groups such as the Syrian forced migrants arriving in Turkey in successive waves. The marked qualities of the Syrian case in terms of social precarity, combined with the degrees of disenfranchisement and economically precarious conditions for survival, indicates an institutionalized paradigm shift in the Turkish state’s management of irregular migration.


2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paolo Cuttitta

Regular immigration to Italy is based on a quota system setting annual ceilings to legal entries. Reserved shares are granted to single countries or categories of countries. Reserved shares have been increased; they are used as an incentive to obtain the cooperation of countries of origin in stemming irregular migration flows. The total quota of regular immigration has gradually increased too. Still, it does not fully respond to the growing demand of foreign workers on the labour market, and quotas seem to be used as crypto-regularisations rather than as an instrument for regulating legal entries.


1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermanus S. Geyer ◽  
Thomas Kontuly

This paper develops a theoretical foundation for the notion of differential urbanization, in which groups of large, intermediate-sized, and small cities go through successive periods of fast and slow growth in a continuum of development that spans the evolution of urban systems in developed and less developed countries. A model depicting net migration patterns over time for major metropolitan, intermediate-sized, and small urban areas identifies six stages of differential urbanization. Data from three countries that span the development spectrum are used to test the accuracy of this model. A distinction between mainstream and substream migration flows provides an indicator of the concurrent concentration and deconcentration forces shaping urban systems. Counterurbanization represents the final phase in the first cycle of urban development, and is followed by a second cycle in which urbanization and spatial concentration dominate once again. At advanced levels of urbanization, the model can be used to characterize the degree of development within regions or subregions of a country. Also, precise definitions are suggested for the “clean break,” the end of urbanization, and the beginnings and ends of polarization reversal and counterurbanization.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annalisa Morticelli

The book addresses the difficult issue of irregular migration in the European Union, through a juridical reconstruction of the phenomenon starting from its origins. The interesting aspect is the understanding part between Italy and Germany, to understand the phenomenon in two different member countries, in order to grasp the main critical issues and identify virtuous behaviors in order to create a system that is as homogenous as possible at the level of the European Union. The researches were carried out in Italy and in Germany above all, through the analysis of legislative documents and the doctrine on the subject.


2020 ◽  
pp. 309-326
Author(s):  
Cathryn Costello

This chapter provides powerful arguments against the criminalization of irregular migration. It does so by testing the extensive criminalization of irregular migrants against standard liberal principles of criminalization. The chapter argues that it is very difficult to identify any direct wrongs or harms to others that arise in virtue of ‘irregular’ migration. Furthermore, a malum prohibitum offence cannot be justified. Against these weak arguments in favour of criminalization, this chapter identifies compelling reasons against criminalization. Criminalization leads to further criminalization, which ultimately undermines both migrants’ and local workers’ fundamental rights. It also blocks discussion of one particularly worker-protective regulatory response to irregular migration, namely regularization. In truth, the criminalization of migrants represents a context where there has been a decisive rupture with liberal principles of criminalization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriella Sanchez

Current representations of large movements of migrants and asylum seekers have become part of the global consciousness. Media viewers are bombarded with images of people from the global south riding atop of trains, holding on to dinghies, arriving at refugee camps, crawling beneath wire fences or being rescued after being stranded in the ocean or the desert for days. Images of gruesome scenes of death in the Mediterranean or the Arizona or Sahara deserts reveal the inherent risks of irregular migration, as bodies are pulled out of the water or corpses are recovered, bagged, and disposed of, their identities remaining forever unknown. Together, these images communicate a powerful, unbearable feeling of despair and crisis. Around the world, many of these tragedies are attributed to the actions of migrant smugglers, who are almost monolithically depicted as men from the Global South organized in webs of organized criminals whose transnational reach allows them to prey on migrants and asylum seekers' vulnerabilities. Smugglers are described as callous, greedy, and violent. Reports on efforts to contain their influence and strength are also abundant in official narratives of border and migration control. The risks inherent to clandestine journeys and the violence people face during these transits must not be denied. Many smugglers do take advantage of the naivetέ and helplessness of migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers, stripping them of their valuables and abandoning them to their fate during their journeys. Yet, as those working directly with migrants and asylum seekers in transit can attest, the relationships that emerge between smugglers and those who rely on their services are much more complex, and quite often, significantly less heinous than what media and law enforcement suggest. The visibility of contemporary, large migration movements has driven much research on migrants' clandestine journeys and their human rights implications. However, the social contexts that shape said journeys and their facilitation have not been much explored by researchers (Achilli 2015). In other words, the efforts carried out by migrants, asylum seekers, and their families and friends to access safe passage have hardly been the target of scholarly analysis, and are often obscured by the more graphic narratives of victimization and crime. In short, knowledge on the ways migrants, asylum seekers, and their communities conceive, define, and mobilize mechanisms for irregular or clandestine migration is limited at best. The dichotomist script of smugglers as predators and migrants and asylum seekers as victims that dominates narratives of clandestine migration has often obscured the perspectives of those who rely on smugglers for their mobility. This has not only silenced migrants and asylum seekers' efforts to reach safety, but also the collective knowledge their communities use to secure their mobility amid increased border militarization and migration controls. This paper provides an overview of contemporary, empirical scholarship on clandestine migration facilitation. It then argues that the processes leading to clandestine or irregular migration are not merely the domain of criminal groups. Rather, they also involve a series of complex mechanisms of protection crafted within migrant and refugee communities as attempts to reduce the vulnerabilities known to be inherent to clandestine journeys. Both criminal and less nefarious efforts are shaped by and in response to enforcement measures worldwide on the part of nation-states to control migration flows. Devised within migrant and refugee communities, and mobilized formally and informally among their members, strategies to facilitate clandestine or irregular migration constitute a system of human security rooted in generations-long, historical notions of solidarity, tradition, reciprocity, and affect (Khosravi 2010). Yet amid concerns over national and border security, and the reemergence of nationalism, said strategies have become increasingly stigmatized, traveling clandestinely being perceived as an inherently — and uniquely — criminal activity. This contribution constitutes an attempt to critically rethink the framework present in everyday narratives of irregular migration facilitation. It is a call to incorporate into current protection dialogs the perceptions of those who rely on criminalized migration mechanisms to fulfill mobility goals, and in so doing, articulate and inform solutions towards promoting safe and dignifying journeys for all migrants and asylum seekers in transit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 204382062094006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Tedeschi

This article operationalises Simondon’s theory of becoming and Deleuze and Spinoza’s ethics and unfolds their conceptualisations in the lives of a group of irregular migrants in Finland. From an ontological and ontogenetic perspective, individuals and their environment are always in a non-complete, non-linear and ethically affective state of becoming. In this sense, migrant bodies register the positive and negative affections accumulated over time, and, via information, make them a material, yet unfinished, and ready to be challenged again, part of their becoming. Applying these concepts to ethnographic fieldwork, this article highlights three dimensions of the observed irregular migrants’ becoming: their relentless efforts of becoming themselves through hardships; non-linear tensions with disparate realities, such as the bureaucratic procedures, and the negative affections the latter entail; and the struggle towards positive affections in temporary stabilities (e.g. in community life). In focusing on the processual and ontological making of migrants in their environment, the article contributes to broader debates regarding the non-linear and ethical dimensions of their everyday lives, as well as their capacity of transforming themselves, and aims at opening up dialogues on the significance of an ontogenetic approach to the field of irregular migration and beyond.


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