scholarly journals Political Regime or State (State-Law) Regime?

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-120
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

The article emphasizes and substantiates the leading place of the political (state, state-legal) regime in the system of elements of the state form. Attention is paid to the correlation of political, state and state-legal regime, emphasizing that the latter characterizes democratic states.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 140-149
Author(s):  
Vladimir Valentinovich Kozhevnikov

The article emphasizes and substantiates the leading place of the political (state, state-legal) regime in the system of elements of the state form. Attention is paid to the correlation of political, state and state-legal regime, emphasizing that the latter characterizes democratic states.


2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-111
Author(s):  
Marat Grebennikov

Russia’s political system can be best understood as an electoral patronal regime in which key actors are organized into a single pyramid of authority that dominates the political arena, particularly in the ethnic republics. It is argued that the asymmetric federalization of post-Soviet Russia and centralization of governance were stabilizing for the state because, during the tumultuous transition from Communism, they have acted as counterweights to such centrifugal forces as nationalism and religious radicalism. The article addresses this question: Does the political regime under Putin limit the behaviour of regional elites by structuring and prioritizing their agendas or, on the contrary, does this regime gradually devolve to match the underlying political configuration of the state? The article concludes that in multi-ethnic hybrid regimes that preserve contested elections, as does Russia, regional politics matters more than in typical authoritarian regimes. Since Putin’s popularity and power are closely tied to Russia’s economic stability and anti-Western sentiment, protracted economic stagnation coupled with growing social discontent at the regional level will trigger a long-awaited centrifugal change in political authority and may eventually lead to political fragmentation after Putin.


1980 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 122-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Yong Leng

Southeast Asian states are often referred to as “nations” (for example, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or ASEAN), thus implying that the peoples of each state form only one national group and are easily distinguished and characterized. In fact, more often than not, each population of the various states shows not only differences of nationality but also many other differences. Among these factors of differentiation, the political geographer attaches particular importance to the two factors of language and nationality. These two cultural factors are elements of the “state-idea” and can affect the cohesion and strength of a state. All the newly independent states of Southeast Asia are seeking to establish their state-ideas and, i n the analysis of each state's population, these two factors can throw much light on the cohesion, functioning, and viability of that particular state.


ICL Journal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Yahyaoui Krivenko

AbstractThe article argues that no understanding of global constitutionalism will be complete without a thorough discussion of its political dimension. The current state of scholarship on global constitutionalism is dominated by discussions of legal elements. However, any theory of global constitutionalism has an underlying vision of the political. Without discussing this underlying vision of the political global constitutionalism will remain incomplete. In particular the article demonstrates that the contemporary debates on global constitutionalism are plagued by a contradiction between its aims and its underlying vision of the political. Thus, global constitutionalism postulates individuals as central units of its concern. However, by maintaining states as central actors although in a changed form and with fewer powers global constitutionalism unwittingly subscribes to a vision of the political anchored in the state form and based on the exclusion/inclusion dynamic. This vision of the political is most clearly articulated by Carl Schmitt. The discussion of his view of the political demonstrates that the political based on the state form makes the project of global constitutionalism impossible. The only way forward is an open discussion of different visions of the political and a search for a more adequate vision of the political able to further the aims of global constitutionalism and its focus on individuals. The article discusses one of these alternative visions of the political, namely the concept of the coming politics and coming community as articulated by Giorgio Agamben. It demonstrates how with this vision of the political the project of global constitutionalism can conceive of a political community fully dedicated to the singularities of each individual human being without creating divisions. The article concludes that in order for global constitutionalism to continue as a viable project, an open and explicit discussion of the political is called for.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-349
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav S. Polosin

The article deals with the superstitions and biased opinion regarding the State and its structre. The superstitions are usually used by the society both to legitimize the political regime and to represent politicians as heroes in the popular opinion. In the article are analyzed methods which enable the religious thinking to shape popular ideas about the state and its government. The author also enlightens the role of political elite in creating the rulers’ image. The article also comprises an analysis of Islamic influence in the geopolitical context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 41-49
Author(s):  
Yuriy Ershov

The article is devoted to assessing the reasons and meaning of amendments to the Russian Federation Constitution made by the current political regime. The manner in which the amendments were adopted together with their content demonstrates inability of the state and the political system as a whole to govern and rule in accordance with the principles and norms of democracy and law. The concept of “unworthy governing” is used to characterize the existing mechanism of power and management of society in Russia.


2020 ◽  
pp. 309-322
Author(s):  
Fei Haiting

The mechanism of causality between the breakdown of political regime and the disintegration of a state is an important topic in political science. The dissolution of the Soviet Union is a typical example. The aim of perestroika was the transformation of the political regime by renewing the top elite and inclusion of mass groups in the system of government. The initiators of the reform planned to achieve their goals through the general reconstruction of relations between the CPSU and the Soviet state, the redistribution of power from the party elite to the Soviet one concentrated in the Councils of People’s Deputies at various levels. In practice, the implementation of two reforms at once (distancing the party from the authorities and optimizing governance) led to the split of the entire political elite. The struggle of opposing elite groups for dominance led to the paralysis of state power, the loss of control over what was happening in the country. As a result, the interests of elite groups began to prevail over the national interests and ultimately led to the destruction of the state. Thus the authorsubstantiates the thesis that the destabilization of a regime as a result of the inter-elite struggle leads to the destruction of a state. The problem of elite renewal and consolidation and the transfer powers from the party elite to the state one becomes important.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 84-90
Author(s):  
Balaklytskyi A.

The article on the theoretical level explores the peculiarities of the transformation of the nation state in conditions of globalization in the context of contemporary realities. It is emphasized that globalization with varying strengths and intensities, that is, has uneven effects on the state and its components. In particular, if we take the form of the state, which includes the form of government, the form of state administrative-and-territorial system and political regime, then, given the empirical material of recent decades, we can conclude that globalization has a significant impact primarily on a political regime that is increasingly transformed towards the democratization and liberalization of public life. At the same time, globalization exerts less influence on such constituent forms of the state as the form of state government and the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, which is conditioned, among other things, by the specific nature of the latter. In particular, in the conditions of globalization, the form of state government of a modern state is transformed primarily in the context of the dynamics of the functioning of the system of higher power institutions in the state, and not in the context of a specific way of existence and expression of the system of supreme bodies of state power. At the same time, globalization affects on the development of democratic foundations of the organization and functioning of the system of public authorities, contributing to ensuring the practical implementation of the rule of law, regardless of the specific model of government (monarchy or republic), whose presence in the state is associated with a certain historical tradition of its development and level of its perception in the mass consciousness in society. Influencing on the form of state administrative-and-territorial system, globalization facilitates processes of regionalization as a complex process of redistribution of administrative powers between the state and its administrative-territorial units, as a result of which new governmental and institutional forms are gradually being formed, corresponding to the new role of regional state formations in the decision-making process at national and supranational levels. In addition, in the context of globalization, the democratic model of the political regime acquires special features related to the formation and functioning of supranational institutions and associations, within which the political domination of nation-states gradually moves to a new level, the ultimate stage of which is global governance. Also, globalization not only causes the corresponding transformations of the content of the traditional functions of the state, in particular, economic, political, social, etc., but also creates the appropriate prerequisites for the rapid development of new functions, the content of which previously had no independent meaning and was considered mainly as an integral part of some other function of the state (for example, the environmental and information functions of the modern state). Thus, it is concluded that the transformation of the state in the conditions of globalization is systemic and, at the same time, contradictory, because, on the one hand, it manifests itself both at the level of all its constituent elements of its form and at the level of the dynamics of its concrete activity within certain temporal and spatial limits (functions of the state), and on the other – it intensifies the multi-vector processes and even the tendencies of development of both individual constituents of the form of the state (for example, the form of the state administrative-and-territorial system) and the functions of the state, in particular, economic and social. Keywords: state, globalization, form of the state, functions of the state, political regime, democracy, state power


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Ana Lilia Nieto Camacho ◽  
Rafael Alarcón Medina ◽  
Miguel Ángel Ríos

The article analyzes the relationship between the State and universities in Mexico during the 1970s. From a socio-historical perspective, the academic and social project, Universidad-Pueblo, of the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero (UAG) is addressed. The emphasis on written press makes it possible to observe how some higher education institutions and its students proposed critical models that were strongly articulated with social demands and left-wing movements amid an authoritarian political regime in which democratic institutional ways of citizen participation were virtually closed. The Universidad-Pueblo project is one of the most radical and complex experiences of this process and its study allows to analyze the relevance of universities within the state’s public life, as well as to consider the UAG as a democratic sphere in the political context of the state of Guerrero.


Author(s):  
Jack Hayward

This chapter argues that the pervasive sense of national decline among French public opinion can only be appreciated if it is judged against the elevated height of state self-esteem over previous centuries. Since the stabilization of the political regime in the second half of the twentieth century, the state has regressed as the overarching and unifying political framework, reversing its traditional standing. Now, many of the traditional state culture’s assumptions are no longer valid, creating a disjunction between expectations about what the state should do and what it can do. While those who speak on behalf of the state endeavor to sustain the myth of its sovereignty, their credibility has become increasingly implausible as the long process of state-building has been unwinding. Thus, France remains exceptional in terms of its norms and ideas about the state, even if it is no longer exceptional in terms of the behavior of the state.


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