scholarly journals MYKHAILO SOROKA IS A MORAL SYMBOL OF FIGHTERS FOR FREEDOM OF UKRAINE 1940–1980S

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 234-243
Author(s):  
Yurii ZAYTSEV

A study of the history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 20th century involves explaining not only global processes and milestones, but, crucially, the role of specific figures in this movement in the context of real-time political circumstances and social changes. The proposed article is based on a sufficiently wide source base, first of all, on documents of the Soviet special services, mostly unpublished. The author considers his task to show the spiritual and ideological integrity of the character of Mykhailo Soroka, his high intelligence, thorough education, European thinking, his leadership qualities, firmness in defending his views and ignoring the insidious KGB temptations, a talent of the organizer, tolerance in comradely relations, self-initiation to the majestic prospect of creating an independent democratic Ukrainian state. An important component of M. Soroka's personal life was his marriage to a well-known member and regional leader of OUN Kateryna Zarytska. A brief account of her unique biography fails to outline the multifaceted nature and tragedy of this person's selfless. However, it clearly illustrates the anti-humanity of the Bilshovyk-communist regime. M. Soroka's speech at the trial of 1953 in Syktyvkar deserves special attention. It was an indictment of the Soviet regime. He stressed that every nation has the right to a dignified life with "full freedom of conscience, thought, speech and assembly." Moreover, he can get it only in an independent state. Soroka considered the ancestry of disobedience and a sense of justice as an instrument of achieving this aim. He stated that "if we are not attacked, we certainly do not need to defend ourselves." Keywords: Soroka, Zarytska, arrest, court, detention, OUN-North, uprising, independent Ukraine, rehabilitation.

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 13-37
Author(s):  
Danae Karydaki

Psychoanalysis was introduced to Greece in 1915 by the progressive educator Manolis Triantafyllidis and was further elaborated by Marie Bonaparte, Freud’s friend and member of the Greek royal family, and her psychoanalytic group in the aftermath of the Second World War. However, the accumulated traumas of the Nazi occupation (1941–1944), the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), the post-Civil-War tension between the Left and the Right, the military junta (1967–1974) and the social and political conditions of post-war Greece led this project and all attempts to establish psychoanalysis in Greece, to failure and dissolution. The restoration of democracy in 1974 and the rapid social changes it brought was a turning point in the history of Greek psychoanalysis: numerous psychoanalysts, who had trained abroad and returned after the fall of the dictatorship, were hired in the newly established Greek National Health Service (NHS), and contributed to the reform of Greek psychiatry by offering the option of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the non-privileged. This article draws on a range of unexplored primary sources and oral history interview material, in order to provide the first systematic historical account in the English language of the complex relationship between psychoanalysis and Greek society, and the contribution of psychoanalytic psychotherapy to the creation of the Greek welfare state. In so doing, it not only attempts to fill a lacuna in the history of contemporary Greece, but also contributes to the broader historiography of psychotherapy and of Europe.


1985 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 147-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Kwaw Nyameke Blay

In the history of modern Africa the issue of self-determination has always been of special significance. For a better part of a century and in some cases more, almost the entire continent was subject to colonisation by various European powers. The end of the Second World War and the subsequent adoption of the United Nations Charter, incorporating the principle of self-determination, heralded a new phase for the African colonies in international relations. Defined in its simplest terms, self-determination is the principle by virtue of which a people freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development. Selfdetermination is in essence the right of self-government. A territory exercises the right by either opting to establish itself as an independent state, associating with an existing state or by accepting to be integrated into an existing state. Self-determination so defined was thus used as the basis for decolonisation in Africa and provided the foundations for equal statehood for the former colonies of Africa in international relations.After decolonisation, the issue of self-determination still persists in Africa attracting sentiments and implications well exemplified by the conflicts Over Biafra and Katanga in the 1960s and currently in Eritrea, the Tigray province of Ethiopia and the Southern Sudan. The very successful propagation of self-determination as the right of every people to self-government by African nationalists during the colonial days seems to have left behind a legacy of a question for post-independence Africa—is the ideal of self-determination


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-200
Author(s):  
Ante Delić

The Vatican had never recognized the Independent State of Croatia (henceforth ISC) in accordance with its traditional policy of not giving recognition to the countries formed in war until hostilities cease and peace treaties come into effect. However, a few months after the declaration of the ISC, the Holy See sent an apostolic visitor to the Croatian Catholic episcopate in Zagreb, Dr. Ramiro Marcone, a monk from the Benedictine abbey in Montevergine, Italy. Marcone was accompanied by his secretary, Dr. Giuseppe Masucci, also a Benedictine monk. The two men lived in Zagreb until the end of the ISC in 1945 but also stayed for some time after that. In accordance with their duties, Marcone and Masucci were in contact with the archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, on a daily basis and were thus well-informed about numerous issues of the time, especially those pertaining to the relationship between the Catholic Church and the government of ISC. The Catholic hierarchy headed by archbishop Stepinac, welcomed the proclamation of ISC and throughout the war expressed their belief that the Croatian people had the right to its own independent state. Abbot Marcone and his secretary Masucci acted in synergy with archbishop Stepinac. In accordance with his mission Marcone submitted reports to the Holy See while his secretary Masucci kept notes in his diary. One can observe Masucci's constant work on saving the persecuted, specially Jews from his diary (which has two different versions in Croatian translation). After the end of ISC, Masucci and Marcone were under strict surveillance and control of the secret service of the new communist regime which considered the Catholic Church an enemy of the state and openly persecuted it with the intention of destroying it. Abbot Marcone travelled to Rome on 10 July 1945 and the Yugoslav authorities denied him re-entry. His secretary Masucci also left Yugoslavia on 20 March 1946 after constant pressure from the new administration and was also denied re-entry.


2009 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-329
Author(s):  
MARCI SHORE

AbstractThis article explores communism – including its pre-history and aftermath – as a generational history. The structure is diachronic and largely biographical. Attention is paid to the roles of milieu, the Second World War, generational cleavages and a Hegelian sense of time. Nineteen sixty-eight is a turning point, the moment when Marxism as belief was decoupled from communism as practice. The arrival of Soviet tanks in Prague meant a certain kind of end of European Marxism. It also meant the coming of age of a new generation: those born in the post-war years who were to play a large role in the opposition. The anti-communist opposition was organically connected to Marxism itself: the generation(s) of dissidents active in the 1970s and 1980s should be understood as a further chapter in the generational history of communism. Nineteen eight-nine was another moment of sharp generational rupture. The new post-communist generation, Havel's great hope, possessed the virtue of openness. Openness, however, proved a double-edged sword: as eastern Europe opened to the West, it also opened a Pandora's box. Perhaps today the most poignant generational question brought about by 1989 is not who has the right to claim authorship of the revolution, but rather who was old enough to be held responsible for the choices they made under the communist regime. There remains a division between those who have to account for their actions, and those who do not, between those who proved themselves opportunists, or cowards or heroes – and those who have clean hands by virtue of not having been tested.


Author(s):  
Iryna Muzyka

The scientific achievements and social and political activity of Sergiy Shelukhin and its influence on the formation of the concept of independent state of Ukraine in the political and legal thought and state-making practice of the governments and political figures of the UNR, the Directory and public political organizations of Ukrainian political emigration are considered. The figure of Sergiy Shelukhin in the history of Ukraine has been symbolic for over a century, as his scientific and socio-political activities have largely contributed to the restoration of the sovereign right of the Ukrainian people to an independent state. His conception of Ukrainian statehood, the origin of the name "Ukraine" is today an integral part of the ideological basis for determining priority directions in contemporary Ukrainian politics, in the context of building an independent independent Ukraine, in terms of forming state ideology and national dignity. In the period of national liberation competitions the main topic of scientific research of the scientist was the origin of the Ukrainian state. It was his intelligence that formed the basis for memoranda, statements, and international treaties of the time. Shelukhin proved that for the Ukrainian people the right of state sovereignty was restored not only as a result of the renunciation of the tsar and release from the oath of nationality, but also on the contractual grounds of the act of 1654 connection between Ukraine and Russia, since this connection was only the face of the tsar-protector. Thus, on February 28, 1917, the Ukrainian people, on the basis of their historical rights and legal consequences, renounced the tsar and exempted him from the oath by legal means, regained his sovereignty over himself and his Ukrainian statehood. Scientist in historical monographs "Where does Russia come from:" Names: Rus, Galicia, Ukraine and Little Russia "(1928)," The Theory of Celtic Origin of Kievan Rus from France "(1929)," Ukraine - the Name of Our Land from the Ancient Times "(1936) for the first time explores the problem of the origin of the terms "Rus", "Ukraine", "Russia", "Mala Rus". These studies have played and play an extremely important role in refuting political speculation and falsification regarding the origin of Ukrainians and the emergence of Ukrainian statehood. During his life, S. Shelukhin's works have gained recognition among lawyers, historians, and political figures both in Ukraine and abroad.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 309-328
Author(s):  
S. S. Zhiltsov

The changeover of the ruling of the modern Ukrainian territory between East and West had lasted for around 800 years beginning from the Mongol-Tatar invasion. It was that time when Batu Khan defeated Ancient Rus that the present territory of Ukraine came under complete and absolute ruling of the Tatar East. In the 16th century as a part of Lithuania Ukraine was included into the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and then passed under the rule of the Polish magnates, under the yoke of the Western Polish civilization. In 1569 the Union of Lublin was signed that formalized the accession of the Ukrainian territory to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the period from the 10th to the 19th centuries there was no such state as Ukraine on the world political map. In the 10th century some part of the territory of present Ukraine was taken by Kievan Rus, in the 13th century — by Golden Horde, in the 14th-15th centuries — by Lithuania, Golden Horde and Russia. In the next centuries the territory of Ukraine was controlled by the Ottoman Empire, Poland and Russia. And only in 1918 the state of Ukraine appeared on the political map.Single Soviet Ukraine created by Bolsheviks did not present any internal cultural and language unity as it was always shared by different empires being the hostile and irreconcilable centers of force in Europe — the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Russian Empire and Austro-Hungarian Empire.In 1917-1920 about dozens of different republics were established in the territory of Ukraine. They were isolated within the borders of their formations. Accordingly, it may be said that in 1917-1920 Ukraine presented a mosaic of different formations which were often formed due to ambitions of some scoundrels and political adventurers striving to get to power and to become the leader of a state. But only the tough policy of Bolsheviks aimed to prevent the disintegration process permitted Ukraine to preserve its territory. After its election the Supreme Council started preparation of the Draft Declaration of Ukraine State Sovereignty simultaneously with the Draft Law on Ukraine State Sovereignty. Both drafts were considered in May 1990. After their discussion it was decided to develop the Draft Declaration of State Sovereignty.On July 16, 1990 the Ukrainian Parliament after long discussions adopted the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine by majority voting. This declaration which did not change and substitute the Constitution of Ukrainian SSR became a very important document for establishment of the Ukrainian statehood having laid the basis for the future Constitution of Ukraine.The concept of the new Constitution of Ukraine envisaged the establishment of the presidential republic. As a result, in June 1991 the laws «On Establishment of the Office of President of Ukrainian SSR with Making Alterations and Additions in the Constitution», «On President of Ukrainian SSR” and “On Election of President of Ukrainian SSR». The office of president was established to strengthen the vertical of executive power and to make it in the future independent of executive power of union bodies. The law assigned broad authorities to the president. Thus, the president acquired the right to cancel the decisions of the USSR bodies of executive power in the territory of Ukrainian SSR if they contradicted its constitution.By mid-1991 the legislative base was created in Ukraine which, in fact, made it an independent state as the laws adopted in 1990 and in the first half of 1991 brought out Ukraine from subordination to the USSR powers. The single economic, political and military space of the USSR practically ceased to exist. By this time Ukraine subordinated only nominally to union authorities. On August 24 the Extraordinary Meeting of Supreme Rada passed the Act on Declaration of Independence of Ukraine. That time it was also decided to conduct on December 01 the republican referendum to confirm the Act of Independence. This was done with a view to demonstrate to the union authorities that the Ukrainian people were endeavoring to become independent, thus, making legitimate the Act of Independence. After becoming independent in 1991 Ukraine entered the new stage of its development. The regional system of Ukraine revealed two clear poles — Donbass and Galichina which determined the country’s development for decades ahead. 


Ubikh is one of the most important tribes of the Northwest Caucasus and has a long history. Naturally, rebukes are an integral part of the Caucasus region. Their people were able to confront the Russian invasion of their lands like the rest of the Caucasus tribes to defend their existence, freedom and the right to build their independent state, but they were not able to resist the great Russian military progress they achieved on all sides. For the territory that belonged to Persia and the Ottoman Empire and ended the resistance of the Meridian movement in the Northeast Caucasus, the Russians left only the weak resistance of the tribes of the Northwest Caucasus led by the rebuke after Russia managed to eliminate all resistance movements in the Caucasus In the Northwest Caucasus, the research was based on an integrated historical approach based on the presentation of historical material, and linked them objectively taking into account the use of descriptive method and analysis of events, at both the political and military levels in the Ubik tribes in the Caucasus In addition to demonstrating its historical and geographical significance and analyzing the reasons for the weakness of the Opec resistance, despite the courage and sacrifice made by its people in the face of Russian military progress, it has a significant impact on the basic factors of conflict, which required a return to its historical depth to facilitate the process of understanding the causes of the clash between governments. In the Caucasus and the Russians, the Russians sought to achieve their desired objectives to complete full control of the most important economic and commercial coasts of the Black Sea.


Author(s):  
Melinda L. Estes ◽  
Samuel M. Chou

Many muscle diseases show common pathological features although their etiology is different. In primary muscle diseases a characteristic finding is myofiber necrosis. The mechanism of myonecrosis is unknown. Polymyositis is a primary muscle disease characterized by acute and subacute degeneration as well as regeneration of muscle fibers coupled with an inflammatory infiltrate. We present a case of polymyositis with unusual ultrastructural features indicative of the basic pathogenetic process involved in myonecrosis.The patient is a 63-year-old white female with a one history of proximal limb weakness, weight loss and fatigue. Examination revealed mild proximal weakness and diminished deep tendon reflexes. Her creatine kinase was 1800 mU/ml (normal < 140 mU/ml) and electromyography was consistent with an inflammatory myopathy which was verified by light microscopy on biopsy muscle. Ultrastructural study of necrotizing myofiber, from the right vastus lateralis, showed: (1) degradation of the Z-lines with preservation of the adjacent Abands including M-lines and H-bands, (Fig. 1), (2) fracture of the sarcomeres at the I-bands with disappearance of the Z-lines, (Fig. 2), (3) fragmented sarcomeres without I-bands, engulfed by invading phagocytes, (Fig. 3, a & b ), and (4) mononuclear inflammatory cell infiltrate in the endomysium.


VASA ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 251-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gruber-Szydlo ◽  
Poreba ◽  
Belowska-Bien ◽  
Derkacz ◽  
Badowski ◽  
...  

Popliteal artery thrombosis may present as a complication of an osteochondroma located in the vicinity of the knee joint. This is a case report of a 26-year-old man with symptoms of the right lower extremity ischaemia without a previous history of vascular disease or trauma. Plain radiography, magnetic resonance angiography and Doppler ultrasonography documented the presence of an osteochondrous structure of the proximal tibial metaphysis, which displaced and compressed the popliteal artery, causing its occlusion due to intraluminal thrombosis..The patient was operated and histopathological examination confirmed the diagnosis of osteochondroma.


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