scholarly journals GEOPOLITICAL DIFFERENCES AS A FACTOR IN THE RELATIONS BETWEEN POLAND AND RUSSIA (1994–2004)

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 177-193
Author(s):  
Oleh PIH
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

The article highlights the political relations between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation in the second half of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century. An analysis of the foreign policy relations between the two countries during this period affirms that their dialogue was mainly conflicting due to different visions of the geopolitical situation and forming a security system in the Central and Eastern Europe region. Fearing the restoration of Russian dominance in the former socialist camp, Poland sought to join Euro-Atlantic and European Union's structures. At the same time, Russia assessed the process of NATO enlargement, which Warsaw actively support, as a threat to its national interests. These two positions led to a permanent worsening of bilateral relations. The Kremlin also aimed to resolve all controversial issues through relations with the United States and Western countries, not perceiving Poland as an equal partner. It has been found out that the Polish authorities were considering the possibility of establishing relations with Russia through the development of trade and economic relations and solving problems in the field of historical memory. Significant changes for warming in relations appeared when Russian President Vladimir Putin proclaimed the course of Europeanization of the Russian Federation and its rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures in the first years of the 21st century. However, a new factor in the worsening of relations was the political struggle between Warsaw and Moscow to influence Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, the Orange Revolution events showed the significant involvement of both countries in Ukraine's processes and the desire to gain a dominant influence in resolving the political crisis. At the same time, the victory of the Polish-backed forces meant a geopolitical defeat for the Kremlin and thus created a serious conflict in bilateral communication. Keywords: Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, NATO, foreign policy, geopolitics.

Us sanctional economic policy as a geopolitical reality

2021 ◽  
pp. 245-252
Author(s):  
Elena Stepanovna Ustinovich
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Federation

This article analyzes the policy of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation since 2008. It’s shown that the sanctions anti-Russian economic policy is the direction of the US foreign policy of the last decade. For many decades, the state of trade and economic relations between the Russian Federation and the United States left much to be desired and did not develop in a normalized format. The volume of trade turnover practically did not manifest itself in the growth dynamics. And both countries were faced with the task of solving this problem. However, the last decade, and especially the events of 2014 and subsequent economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, have shown the role and impact of the political factor in the state of economic relations between the two countries. In this regard, the period of development of trade and economic relations of the last five years is exclusively in the political plane and it can be designated as the period of the US sanctions economic policy towards Russia. They are implementing this policy jointly with a number of North American countries and European Union member states, as a result of which it becomes a geopolitical reality in the modern period of international economic relations and, unfortunately, does not contribute to their normalization. The research methodology includes an interdisciplinary political and economic research method. A primary analysis of sources, as well as policy documents of the leaders of two countries — the United States and the Russian Federation at the end of 2014 and 2015 was carried out. As a scientific and practical result, a recommendation for the Russian Federation was proposed based on the results of the incessant sanctions pressure — not to remain in isolation, to establish contacts with countries in a new format.

scholarly journals The Political Dimension of the Nord Stream – 2 Project

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-24
Author(s):  
Andrey Manoilo ◽  
Ilya Katkov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Nord Stream

The research featured the political role of the Nord Stream 2 project in Russian foreign policy and in building constructive relations with Russia's partners in the European Union. The paper describes the strategy, tactics, forms, and methods involved in the cross-border pipeline project implemented by Russia and its foreign partners. The focus is on the political relations between the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian state-owned corporations, foreign governments, and foreign multinational corporations, i.e. the negotiations within the international consortium. The research objective was to identify the role of cross-border pipeline projects in Russian foreign policy in Europe. The methodological basis included system and comparative-political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction. The methods of political comparativistics revealed how the competing parties were able to affect the negotiations and implementation of Nord Stream 2. The method of system analysis made it possible to examine the interactions between the state structures and the oil and gas companies. The authors identified the conflict directions between the supporters and the opponents of the project, as well as between the Russian Federation and the United States of America. The paper describes the political tools that promote the interests of the project in conditions of acute rivalry in the energy area. The Russian Federation and Gazprom managed to bring the project to its final stage. However, the success would have been impossible without the help of their European partners.

EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS OF EVOLUTION OF THE EURASIAN TRACK OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY

2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Recipient Country ◽  
Internal Factors ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Policy Direction

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.

scholarly journals The German Press about Russian Foreign Policy Activities: The Crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014) and its Consequences

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Z. Z. Bahturidze ◽  
D. S. Rachkova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Mutual Exclusion ◽  
German Society ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Russian Federation

The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.

ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIP OF THE STRATEGIC TRIANGLE COUNTRIES RUSSIAN FEDERATION – PRC – USA. Part 3: Economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 147-163
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Cooperation ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
National Economies ◽  
The Impact

The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on the economic relations of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia – China – the United States. An approach to the analysis of trade and investment cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which determines the interdependence of the national economies of these countries, is proposed. This allows us to give a forecast of the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. The conclusion is made: the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are important economic partners for each other.

Duterte’s Foreign Policy Pivot and Its Impact on Philippine Trade and Investments: An International Political Economy Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 127-160
Author(s):  
Jenny D. Balboa
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Political Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Trade And Investment

Abstract Since the Philippines elected President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016, the country’s foreign policy seems to have become more uncertain. President Duterte’s mercurial personality and antagonistic tirades against the country’s traditional Western allies, including the United States (US) and the European Union (EU), and his statements of building closer ties with China and Russia, had changed the political and diplomatic tone of the Philippines overall. Certainly, the political relationship between the Philippines and the West has been changed by Duterte’s strong remarks against the US and EU. Has this change spilled over to the economy? The paper presents an international political economy framework in examining the impact of Duterte’s foreign policy pivot to the country’s foreign economic relations, focusing on trade and investment. The paper argues that Duterte’s foreign policy shift is mainly shaped by Duterte’s “politics of survival”. Not firmly anchored in any idea, norms, or interest that can clearly benefit the country, Duterte is unable to provide coherent guidance and leadership on the foreign policy pivot, particularly on the economy. Duterte’s lack of guidance provided the technocrats with the policy space to continue the policies from the previous administration and not to divert radically from previous economic policies. The stability of the economic institutions provided a refuge in the period of uncertainty. As a result, the foreign economic relations of the Philippines has not radically shifted. The trade and investment situation of the Philippines remained stable, and economic relations with traditional partners are maintained.

scholarly journals Albania Between the Crisis of the Parliamentary Dialectic and the Dominant Role of the Government

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Sokol Pacukaj ◽  
Renata Tokrri
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Considerable Controversy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The last years of Albanian parliamentary life were marked by a profound crisis. The parliament, not only had the task of managing a constitutional reform that brought the entire judicial system to its knees, transforming the vetting process into a reform with uncertain results, but also the political crisis, or rather the political-institutional stalemate for leaving the mandates of opposition parliamentarians.The failure to reach the quorum provided by the Constitution of the Republic of Albania, it raises considerable controversy over the legitimacy of the supreme authority and therefore on the legitimacy of institutions that depend on parliamentary votes, such as the election of constitutional judges. At the same time, when the "united opposition" left parliament, the new opposition was trying to keep up with parliamentary dialectics. Moreover, in recent years of parliamentary "identity crisis", the majority have resembled a "group of soldiers" under the command of the Prime Minister. Clearly, Parliament has weakened, lost its value, leading to a strengthening of the executive power, more precisely a strengthening of the figure of the head of government. Without a doubt, the crisis of Parliament translates into an inability of the people's representatives to solve the problems that are present in civil society. Consequently, the crisis of Parliament means a "silent people", a "mute people".The purpose of this document is the constitutional-philosophical analysis of historical memory of the role of Parliament in Albania from the Declaration of Independence to the present day. Perhaps historical memory is the key to reading the present and to better understand the crisis that Albanian Parliament has been going through in recent years.   Received: 4 March 2021 / Accepted: 6 May 2021 / Published: 8 July 2021

scholarly journals Foreign policy positioning issue of small States (on the example of the Republic of Belarus relations with the Russian Federation and People’s Republic of China)

2020 ◽  
Vol 133 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
E. D. Salmygina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small States ◽  
Small State ◽  
Independent State ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Policy Strategies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Foreign Policy Strategies

Small states are very weak in the political area. That is why there is a need for them to try to choose the various foreign policy strategies to defend themselves. Belarus is a small state that needs to survive in our rapidly developing and politically unstable world. Having emerged as a newly independent state as the result of the collapse of the USSR, Belarus faced a difficult choice in the decision where it was going to move further and on whom it could rely. In particular, in recent years, Belarus needs to make a subtle strategic calculation as to how to manage its relations with two important partners: Russia and China. This article considers the theory of small states’ foreign policy strategies in detail. It analyzes the choice of Belarus’s foreign policy strategies towards China and Russia. It shows that Belarus combines some characteristics from the classic small states’ foreign policy strategies, and it does not fully follow any of them.

scholarly journals Ensuring the national security of the Russian Federation, state priorities, law-making

2021 ◽  
Vol 2021 (4) ◽  
pp. 27-31
Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Western World ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
The Russian Federation

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.

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