scholarly journals The Political Dimension of the Nord Stream – 2 Project

Author(s):  
Andrey Manoilo ◽  
Ilya Katkov

The research featured the political role of the Nord Stream 2 project in Russian foreign policy and in building constructive relations with Russia's partners in the European Union. The paper describes the strategy, tactics, forms, and methods involved in the cross-border pipeline project implemented by Russia and its foreign partners. The focus is on the political relations between the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Russian state-owned corporations, foreign governments, and foreign multinational corporations, i.e. the negotiations within the international consortium. The research objective was to identify the role of cross-border pipeline projects in Russian foreign policy in Europe. The methodological basis included system and comparative-political approaches, as well as the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, and deduction. The methods of political comparativistics revealed how the competing parties were able to affect the negotiations and implementation of Nord Stream 2. The method of system analysis made it possible to examine the interactions between the state structures and the oil and gas companies. The authors identified the conflict directions between the supporters and the opponents of the project, as well as between the Russian Federation and the United States of America. The paper describes the political tools that promote the interests of the project in conditions of acute rivalry in the energy area. The Russian Federation and Gazprom managed to bring the project to its final stage. However, the success would have been impossible without the help of their European partners.

2020 ◽  
pp. 30-40
Author(s):  
Z. Z. Bahturidze ◽  
D. S. Rachkova

The article is devoted to identifying the current image of Russia in the mirror of the German media after the Ukrainian crisis. The role of the media is noted, the crisis situation in Ukraine is characterized. Analyzed publications in the leading print media of Germany on the topic of Russian foreign policy in Ukraine and the role of the Russian Federation in the political crisis in Ukraine (2013–2014). The authors have identified and identified key approaches in the formation of German society a certain idea of Russia and its foreign policy. As conclusions, it is noted that both for objective reasons, and not least thanks to the German media, which use a lot of negative characteristics when constructing the image of Russia, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany go through a zone of mutual exclusion. However, relations between the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany can go to a new level, taking into account the possible pragmatic cooperation of the two states, and provided, among other things, a reduction in the degree of anti-Russian rhetoric in the German media.


Author(s):  
V.Yu. Shcherbakov

The article deals with the relationship of the “Alternative for Germany” (AfD) party to the Russian Federation. The article notes that the independent foreign policy of Russia, its active opposition to the Imperial policy of the United States appeals to some of the German electorate, this is used by the AfD in its own interests. The young party, which is justifiably called a right-wing populist party, despite serious success in elections at various levels, including in the Bundestag, does not have influential political allies in the country. Therefore, it has no real opportunities to exert a significant influence on German politics. In the context of the harsh anti-Russian policy of Western countries, the AfD is trying to occupy a niche as a foreign policy “partner” of Russia and thereby attract voters who are sympathetic to our country. For example, this applies to numerous “Russian Germans”. We should also mention the desire of the Russian Federation to use AfD to promote its own interests, including projects such as Nord stream - 2. The author notes that most likely, if relations between Bonn and Moscow improve or if the AfD's domestic political influence increases, the problem of Russia's rapprochement with the AfD will lose its relevance.


Author(s):  
Oleh PIH

The article highlights the political relations between the Republic of Poland and the Russian Federation in the second half of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century. An analysis of the foreign policy relations between the two countries during this period affirms that their dialogue was mainly conflicting due to different visions of the geopolitical situation and forming a security system in the Central and Eastern Europe region. Fearing the restoration of Russian dominance in the former socialist camp, Poland sought to join Euro-Atlantic and European Union's structures. At the same time, Russia assessed the process of NATO enlargement, which Warsaw actively support, as a threat to its national interests. These two positions led to a permanent worsening of bilateral relations. The Kremlin also aimed to resolve all controversial issues through relations with the United States and Western countries, not perceiving Poland as an equal partner. It has been found out that the Polish authorities were considering the possibility of establishing relations with Russia through the development of trade and economic relations and solving problems in the field of historical memory. Significant changes for warming in relations appeared when Russian President Vladimir Putin proclaimed the course of Europeanization of the Russian Federation and its rapprochement with Euro-Atlantic structures in the first years of the 21st century. However, a new factor in the worsening of relations was the political struggle between Warsaw and Moscow to influence Ukraine and Belarus. In particular, the Orange Revolution events showed the significant involvement of both countries in Ukraine's processes and the desire to gain a dominant influence in resolving the political crisis. At the same time, the victory of the Polish-backed forces meant a geopolitical defeat for the Kremlin and thus created a serious conflict in bilateral communication. Keywords: Republic of Poland, Russian Federation, NATO, foreign policy, geopolitics.


Author(s):  
Neziha Musaoğlu

Many important changes occurred in the Russian Federation's foreign policy since 2000s with Putin's coming to power. Although the foreign policy is defined as pragmatic during this period, it is in fact ideologically constructed on the basis of the concept of “sovereign democracy.” The concept constitutes in the same time the source of loyalty of the Russian reelpolitik towards the West, especially the USA and of the Russian anti-globalist policies. The aim of this chapter is to analyze the intellectual, normative, and conceptual dimensions of the “sovereign democracy” concept that could serve to conceive the foreign policy practice of the Russian Federation, on the one hand, and on the other hand its dialectical relationships with the West in the era of globalization.


Author(s):  
Vachagan A. Cholakhyan ◽  

The article analyzes the mediation activities of international organizations in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict from 1992 to 2020. The positions of the OSCE, the United States, Russia, as well as Armenia, Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh regarding the plans for a peaceful settlement of the conflict are examined. The key role of the Russian Federation as a major regional factor in the reconciliation of the warring parties and the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem is considered.


Author(s):  
Valeriy Zhabskiy ◽  
Aleksander Shuvalov

In the early 1990 s, the foreign policy concept in Russia was based on the policy of «Euro-Atlanticism», which presumed orientation towards the Western model of development, integration with the Western countries and a conflict-free vision of international relations. But unlike the era of «Cold War» with the USSR, the Western countries did not consider the Russian Federation to be equal in status and did not hasten the process of establishing strategic partnership. Russia has never managed to establish an alliance with the Western countries and become «part of the Western world», «Euro-Atlanticism» has not proved itself. In the late 1990s, a shift began to a course of «multi-vector» foreign policy, implying a multipolar system of international relations. Moreover, at the end of the twentieth century, the Russian Federation faced growing threats from the United States and the countries that make up the military-political bloc of NATO, which necessitated a rethinking of priorities and possibilities for ensuring the protection of Russia’s national interests and security, and the development and adoption of new doctrines and concepts on the subject. This article thus deals with the process of establishing State priorities on the basis of the principle of protecting the national interests and safeguarding the national security of the Russian Federation during the period 1999-2007.


Author(s):  
Музаффар Зиядуллаев ◽  
Muzaffar Ziyadullaev

Each state proceeding from the administrative territory (locality) strives to ensure peace and tranquility, the rights and interests of citizens, public order and the prevention of violations. For this purposes different units were established in which the activities of police officers closely interact with the public. The article examines the foreign experience of the system of protection of public order and the prevention of violations in localities, in particular, public security stations and commissioners of police of the Russian Federation, German security services, sheriff units and sheriffs of the United States, police stations and points of Japan, as well as legal, organizational and personnel bases of activity of these divisions and their officials. The role of public organizations, in particular, the people’s volunteers, Cossack societies of the Russian Federation, associations of “older brothers and sisters”, “parents and teachers”, self-government committees (quarter committees), “points of contact with the police” of Japan in the protection of public order and prevention of offenses in these states and their interaction with the police are revealed in the article. Based on the study of foreign experience of the system of protection of public order and prevention of offenses in localities relevant suggestions are formulated for further improvement of the activity of law enforcement bodies.


Author(s):  
А.А. Синдеев

Актуальность статьи определяется востребованностью на нынешнем этапе осмысления опыта современной России исследований, посвященных процессам, явлениям, принципам и подходам, сопровождавшим формирование ее внешней политики. При этом речь идет как об универсальном, так и об индивидуальном (личностном) уровнях. Об актуальности выбранной темы свидетельствуют совпавшие в 2020 году два юбилея — Организации Объединенных Наций, ее Совета Безопасности и юбилей министра иностранных дел России Сергея Викторовича Лаврова. С учетом последнего факта данная статья не носит свойственного юбилейным статьям характера. Ее цель состоит в том, чтобы проанализировать, какие принципы и подходы в конце ХХ — начале XXI века были положены в основу российской внешней политики. Для реализации заявленной цели автор использовал открытые источники — послания Президента РФ В. В. Путина Федеральному собранию с 2000 по 2004 год, а также все протоколы заседаний Совета Безопасности ООН за вышеуказанный хронологический период, и выделил для статьи те из них, которые касались борьбы с терроризмом, поскольку эта проблематика была востребована в 2000–2004 годах и предоставляла хорошие шансы для объединения усилий различных партнеров. Данные материалы потребовали применения системного подхода, историко-генетического, историко-типологического и сравнительно-исторического методов. Результатами проведенного исследования стали систематизация официальных внешнеполитических установок, анализ принципов и подходов, использованных С. В. Лавровым на посту постоянного представителя России в Совбезе ООН. Полученные результаты необходимо воспринимать как предварительные. Работа над проблемой должна быть продолжена. The relevance of the article is accounted for by the necessity to analyze and reassess research works devoted to the processes, phenomena, principles and strategies that have shaped the foreign policy of modern Russia. The article treats the issue on both universal and individual (personal) levels. The relevance of the issue is accounted for by two anniversaries we celebrate in 2020, namely the 20th anniversary of the United Nations Security Council and the 70th birth anniversary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Sergey Viktorovich Lavrov. It should be noted, however, that the tone of the article is not celebratory. It is aimed at the analysis of principles and strategies of the foreign policy adopted by the Russian Federation in the late 20th — early 21stcenturies. To achieve the aim of the research, the author of the article analyzes open sources, such as Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation given by the Russian president Vladimir Putin in 2000–2004, and all the minutes of meetings of the United Nations Security Council in 2000–2004. The author focuses attention on speeches devoted to the struggle against terrorism, for the issue was highly relevant in 2000–2004 and demanded that partners should coordinate their efforts to combat common challenges. To analyze the abovementioned data, the author of the article employed systemic approach, history and genetic approach, historical-typological approach, comparative-historical approach. The research enabled the author to systematize official guidelines of Russian foreign policy and to analyze the principles and strategies used by S. V. Lavrov as permanent representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations Security Council. It should be noted that the findings of the research are preliminary and require further analysis.


Author(s):  
D. I. Yefremov

The article establishes the relationship between the interests of the Ukrainian establishment and the foreign policy vector of Kyiv. The author identified the main actors who determined the specifics of the transformation of the strategic course of Ukraine. On the one hand, the author revealed the critical problems of European integration and on the other hand, the improvement/ degradation of relations with the Russian Federation. The author evaluated the strategic doctrines used by the Ukrainian elite and analysed main changes in the approaches of the Ukrainian establishment. This article considers the reaction of Russian and Ukrainian political elites to the correction of the foreign policy imperatives of the Russian Federation and Ukraine, respectively. Also, the author, using the theory of the “heavy” and “light” fractions of Ukrainian political elites as an example, identifies specific features of the correlation between the replacement/renewal of key elite groups and the adaptation of the strategic vector, including a qualitative rethinking of the approaches inherent in the replaced establishment. On the other hand, the author compared between the declared positions/slogans and specific doctrines/concepts, initiated, for example, by individual actors of the political elite. The author analyses the main reasons for the soft dismantling of the so-called multi-vector diplomacy in favour of the Euro-Atlantic course. Also, in the article, concerning the realities of Ukraine, the influence of the political model of “shapeless pluralism” of hybrid regimes on the transformation of the foreign policy’ agenda.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Medvedeva

The purpose of the article is to consider the content of the main changes provided for by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation proposed by the President of the Russian Federation in January 202, regarding regulation of the legal status of the Federation Council. Attention, in particular, is focused on expanding the personnel powers of the upper house of the Russian parliament, as well as changing the formation of the Fe­deration Council. It is substantiated that the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to the improvement of the system of checks and balances, including by strengthening the role of parliament. This goal is also served by securing directly in the Constitution of the Russian Federation the control powers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, which for a long time was regulated solely in sectoral legislation. The article also proposes a solution to the issue of a different approach to the establishment of the term of office of senators from subjects and senators — representatives of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made that the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to strengthening the role of the Federation Council in the political life of the country. Within the framework of this research, we used formal logical (analysis) and comparative legal methods.


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