History and Foreign Policy: Franco-British Cooperation towards Greek Independence 1828–1830

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-173
Author(s):  
Rachel Chin

On 6 July 1827 the Treaty of London committed France, Britain, and Russia to working together to mediate the question of Greek independence. This was one of the first examples of Franco-British cooperation after the Napoleonic Wars. Although officials on both sides of the Channel publicly celebrated Franco-British cooperation over the Greek affair, behind closed doors policy makers remained suspicious of each other's intentions. This article explores how the memory and experience of the Napoleonic conflict influenced French and British policy making during the Greek independence struggle between 1828 and 1830. It argues that the memories of these conflicts fostered cultures of Franco-British rivalry that were discernible in the highest levels of policy making as well as in parliamentary and press opinion. These misgivings, embedded in notions of natural and historic rivalry, played an important role in mediating how policy makers viewed, judged, responded to, and justified their own and their counterpart's policies and policy motivations.

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 545-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gill Bennett

The nature of British interests in the Far East in the 1930s meant that both the Treasury and the Board of Trade were necessarily closely involved with the making of foreign policy. While Foreign Office officials resented this intrusion into their domain, they were themselves disdainful of so-called ‘technical’ considerations connected with tariffs or currency reform, and were willing to leave them to the specialists. Under the dynamic impetus of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Neville Chamberlain, and the Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, Sir Warren Fisher, the Treasury, encouraged by the apparent abnegation of the Foreign Office, made a bold and aggressive foray between 1933 and 1936 into realms of foreign policy-making hitherto regarded as the exclusive sphere of the professional diplomat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 504-514
Author(s):  
Nikola Pijović

Abstract Every state's foreign policy has to deal with other states, regions, and transnational issues, not all of whom are likely to receive the same level of policy-making interest and attention. States have differing foreign policy priorities, but how do we conceptualize those different priorities? To explain how states order the world and prioritize their foreign policy, I establish an ideal typology of “core” and “peripheral” foreign policy, which categorizes more and less important foreign policy spaces and issues. This typology contributes to foreign policy analysis's “middle-range” theorizing by establishing how and why the determinants, processes, and goals of foreign policy–making in these distinct types differ, and where policy-makers have the greatest ability to influence change in foreign policy. One of the key insights of this research relates to how structure and agency differently influence foreign policy–making: “core” foreign policy tends to be more structurally rigid and obtrusive, allowing less maneuverability for actor agency seeking to change the status quo, while “peripheral” foreign policy is less structurally rigid and obtrusive, allowing for greater actor agency in changing foreign policy direction and priorities. Hence, this typology should aid our understanding and prediction of foreign policy priorities and decisions.


1994 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bin Yu

This article examines the state of the field in the Western study of Chinese foreign policy. After briefly surveying the earlier generations of scholarship, it critiques the current narrow focus and apolitical tendency in studying Chinese foreign policy-making institutions and perceptions of foreign policy makers and specialists. The author argues for a more balanced and more comprehensive approach that combines analytical vigor and empirical validity.


1988 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-73
Author(s):  
Michael Smith

The Reagan administration's foreign policy from 1981 to 1985 provides an intriguing test of a central problem faced by foreign-policy-makers: the need to cope with uncertainty in policy formulation and implementation. This article sets out to explore the problem and to formulate propositions about the ways in which policy-makers might respond to it. The argument has three stages: first, it identifies some sources and manifestations of uncertainty in foreign policy; secondly, it develops a framework within which policy-makers' responses to uncertainty can be located; and finally, it applies the framework to Reaganite foreign policy. Two sets of conclusions emerge: first, that it is important to identify ways in which foreign-policy-makers both accept uncertainty and adjust to it; and secondly, that the identification of shifting patterns of response leads to further questions about the ‘learning processes' manifested in policy-making.


1977 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-625 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Mandel

This article evaluates one means—political gaming—for coping with the distorted processes and perceptions that are present in foreign policy making during crises. Political games are exercises in which teams representing national governments meet and discuss crisis situations presented in scenarios. American foreign policy makers have engaged in this activity since the late logo's at the RAND Corporation, M.I.T., the Pentagon, and the C.I.A. Several hypotheses are developed on the changes in decisionmaking processes generated through political gaming, and on the nature of international perceptions during crises, as reflected through political gaming. These hypotheses are evaluated by means of data from the only unclassified professional-level games on international crises (those at RAND and M.I.T.), from a series of student games conducted at Yale, and from insights gained by the author's direction of two C.I.A. games. The results show that political gaming is indeed effective in improving decision making during crises, and they introduce some new aspects into accepted wisdom about international perceptions during crises.


Author(s):  
Hmingthanpuii Ralte ◽  
C. Lalengkima

India foreign policy is known best as ‘a mixture of change and continuity’. Before 1990s, India has given the impression to cooperate with the third world nations. India permanent interest in relating other nations is working together with non- aligned nations, and has swollen with pride of the founder of non-aligned movement. India has neither shown interest to be associated with any bloc nor looking the South Eastern Asian nations too. However, after 1991, the wind of change was blown in India foreign policy making; India has seeking to work together with Eastern Asian nations and inclined to cooperate with the Western powerful nations. India initiation to cooperate with South Eastern Asian nations is better known as ‘India Look East Policy’. It was acknowledged that India look east policy is paradigm shift where India has come across different environment. Look East Policy is an experiment policy where India seeking a global partner for lager cooperation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 56
Author(s):  
Sabah Naass Shnafa

The geopolitics means the linkage of geographical  elements to the act and activities of policy-making and foreign policy of a state, and the geopolitics theories associated  also with the politics of power and influence. The Arab countries possess a unique site in the map of the world since it linked three continents ( Asia, Africa and Europe  ) ,it also overseeing universal straits(Gibralter, Aden ,Bab el Mandeb ,Hormuz and Suez Canal  ) through which 70% of the world trade is passing , besides the wealth of fertile soil and mineral and diligent  population. The Arabs states s geopolitics needs to activate and monopolize  to  achieve   prosperity and power.  The leaders and policy –makers  of Arab states have to reread their geography and determine the vital points of their  geopolitical  position.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (03) ◽  
pp. C05 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Margarida Sardo ◽  
Emma Weitkamp

Policy-makers, researchers and the general public seem to agree that there is a need for evidence-based policies. Here we report on a case study which explores environmental policy-making at the national and local levels in one European country, Portugal. The case study focuses on understanding how that scientific evidence is used and valued by policy-makers. Our data show that in Portugal there are opportunities at national and local level for scientific evidence to influence environmental policy-making and there is a general belief amongst policy-makers that scientific evidence is essential for the development of solid and trustworthy policies. However, challenges remain, including difficulties in working together and challenges imposed by the policy cycle. The bridge may not yet be fully constructed, but in Portugal, policy-makers largely recognise the need for scientific evidence and the research community is beginning to reach out, looking for ways to connect with the policy community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 553-565
Author(s):  
Reza Kiani Mavi ◽  
Hamed Gheibdoust ◽  
Ahmad A. Khanfar

Nowadays, it is obvious that creative tourism industry has become very essential for countries and societies; therefore, governments work on constituting policies in order to develop this industry. To be successful in improving creative tourism industry, governments should identify the influential factors and focus on ones that are more important rather than investing a bit on many different factors. Because of the interrelations among factors, this research is aiming to prioritize factors that influence strategic policies of creative tourism industry in Iran using analytic network process (ANP). Data were collected during the period of May 2017 to February 2018. Participants in this research are 13 tourism experts with more than 10 years' experience in the field. Results show that the most influential criterion is "business support" and the most influential subcriterion is "supporting midsize businesses." This study helps policy makers to improve creative tourism by emphasizing on those factors that have high priority from the viewpoint of strategic policy-making.


Author(s):  
Ralph Henham

This chapter sets out the case for adopting a normative approach to conceptualizing the social reality of sentencing. It argues that policy-makers need to comprehend how sentencing is implicated in realizing state values and take greater account of the social forces that diminish the moral credibility of state sponsored punishment. The chapter reflects on the problems of relating social values to legal processes such as sentencing and argues that crude notions of ‘top down’ or ‘bottom up’ approaches to policy-making should be replaced by a process of contextualized policy-making. Finally, the chapter stresses the need for sentencing policy to reflect those moral attachments that bind citizens together in a relational or communitarian sense. It concludes by exploring these assertions in the light of the sentencing approach taken by the courts following the English riots of 2011.


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