Civil War in Yemen

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dina Rezk
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Master Plan ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Guerrilla War ◽  
Army Officers ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Anglo American

In September 1962, a group of army officers led by Colonel Abdullah al Sallal overthrew the Hamid’Ud’Din royal family in Yemen. The coup provided just the occasion for Nasser to re-establish his credibility abroad as the vanguard of Arab revolution. Nasser immediately sent Egyptian troops to bolster the republican revolutionaries led by Sallal. They began a guerrilla war against royalist forces loyal to the deposed Imamate which was propped up by Saudi Arabia and the British. The Yemeni conflict quickly became a proxy war between these rival interests, causing a rift in the Anglo-American alliance and symbolising the division between ‘traditional’ dynasties against the ‘progressive’ republics in the Arab world. Analysts recognised that Nasser had no blueprint or master plan for revolution in Yemen and that he had underestimated the commitment the conflict would entail. Bound by his ‘face’ as the leader of Arab revolution, he was compelled to maintain support for the republicans despite the unassailable stalemate that ensued. Nevertheless, Nasser’s determination to capitalise on the protracted British withdrawal from Aden led to a revival of widespread hostility towards the nationalist.

The Son King

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Madawi Al-Rasheed
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Family Members ◽  
Economic Reforms ◽  
International Community ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Current Wave ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
Asylum Seekers And Refugees

The murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the Saudi consulate in Istanbul by regime operatives shocked the international community and tarnished the reputation of the young, reformist Crown Prince Muhammad bin Salman. This book situates the murder in the context of the duality of reform and repression and challenges common wisdom about the inevitability of the latter. The author dismisses defunct views about the inescapable ‘Oriental Despotism’ as the only pathway to genuine reform in the country. Focusing on the prince’s divisive domestic, social and economic reforms, the author argues that the current wave of unprecedented repression is a function of the prince consolidating his power outside of the traditional consensus of royal family members and influential Saudi groups. But the divisive populist nationalism bin Salman has adopted, together with repressing the diverse critical voices of religious scholars, feminists and professionals, has failed to silence a vibrant young Saudi society and an articulate and connected youth cohort. Due to its repression, Saudi Arabia is now producing asylum seekers and refugees who seek safe havens abroad to pursue their quest for freedom, equality and dignity. While the regime continues to pursue them abroad and punish their families at home, exiled activists are determined to continue the struggle against one of the most repressive monarchies in the Arab world.

scholarly journals The execution

1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 31-31
Author(s):  
Yahya Yakhlaf
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Migrant Workers ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Saudi Arabian ◽  
Border Region ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Foreign Enterprise ◽  
The People

Excerpt from a novel banned in most of the Arab world The novel whose opening chapter we print below was published in Beirut in the early 1980s. Its author, a Palestinian, worked as a migrant teacher in Saudi Arabia, and now lives in Damascus. Najran Below Zero is banned not only in Saudi Arabia, but in most Arab-speaking countries. The story is set amongst the population of Najran — an area of Saudi Arabia near the border with North Yemen. Many of the people there, as in other parts of Saudi Arabia, are Arab migrant workers, forced to cross the border by the overwhelming poverty of their own countries, and compelled to accept the most menial forms of livelihood in order to subsist in the inflation-ridden economy of Saudi Arabia. The novel demonstrates the variety of means by which such a population is silenced: not only overtly by the Saudi security agents — the execution of one of their victims is the focus of the opening chapter — but equally by hunger and the exploitation of foreign enterprise, by old loyalties and new enemies, by community and dislocation, survival and escape. In the story, Abu Shannan provides the central thread; he has recently been released from prison, and is then co-opted by the royalist allies in the border region. Stephen Hayden, ‘Mr’, with his ever-present camera, represents the Western interests which bolster the Saudi regime. The Najran area and its population is typical of Saudi Arabia, but it has particular features which are significant in Yahya Yakhlaf's novel. Najran became part of Saudi territory in 1934, after a long dispute between the Yemeni and Saudi Arabian governments. In 1962 a military coup abolished the Imamate and declared the Yemen a Republic. During the civil war which followed, Najran was a loyalist stronghold, where the Imam of Yemen's troops (drawn to a large extent from the Zaydi tribal confederation) were bolstered by the support of the Saudi regime, and indirectly by that of Western interests.

The Roman Aura in Henry James’s Daisy Miller: A Study (1878)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Carlos Rowe
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Roman Empire ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Classical Culture

Concentrating on Henry James’s Daisy Miller, this chapter reveals its author engaging in arguments over the decline and fall of the Roman Empire among nineteenth-century Anglo-American writers and over the best means of using Rome’s example as a warning to contemporaries. The novella’s Roman setting and frequent references to classical culture both extend Anglo-American Romantics’ emphasis on the Roman failure to develop a comprehensive democracy and allow James to pursue his own interest in post-Civil War America as an emerging global power. Departing from earlier interpretations of Rome’s importance within Daisy Miller, this chapter argues that James employs the character of Daisy to reconceive Rome’s relevance to central issues of class and gender. If James rejects aspects of contemporary American feminism embodied by such classically inspired artists as Harriet Hosmer and Maria Louisa Lander, he nevertheless makes his unsophisticated heroine, Daisy, into a means of expressing his democratic vision.

scholarly journals The Arab region’s contribution to global COVID-19 research: Bibliometric and visualization analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sa’ed H. Zyoud
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Population Size ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Research Output ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Public Health Issue ◽  
Global Research

Abstract Background At the global level and in the Arab world, particularly in low-income countries, COVID-19 remains a major public health issue. As demonstrated by an incredible number of COVID-19-related publications, the research science community responded rapidly. Therefore, this study was intended to assess the growing contribution of the Arab world to global research on COVID-19. Methods For the period between December 2019 and March 2021, the search for publications was conducted via the Scopus database using terms linked to COVID-19. VOSviewer 1.6.16 software was applied to generate a network map to assess hot topics in this area and determine the collaboration patterns between different countries. Furthermore, the research output of Arab countries was adjusted in relation to population size and gross domestic product (GDP). Results A total of 143,975 publications reflecting the global overall COVID-19 research output were retrieved. By restricting analysis to the publications published by the Arab countries, the research production was 6131 documents, representing 4.26% of the global research output regarding COVID-19. Of all these publications, 3990 (65.08%) were original journal articles, 980 (15.98%) were review articles, 514 (8.38%) were letters and 647 (10.55%) were others, such as editorials or notes. The highest number of COVID-19 publications was published by Saudi Arabia (n = 2186, 35.65%), followed by Egypt (n = 1281, 20.78%) and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), (n = 719, 11.73%). After standardization by population size and GDP, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Lebanon had the highest publication productivity. The collaborations were mostly with researchers from the United States (n = 968), followed by the United Kingdom (n = 661). The main research lines identified in COVID-19 from the Arab world are related to: public health and epidemiology; immunological and pharmaceutical research; signs, symptoms and clinical diagnosis; and virus detection. Conclusions A novel analysis of the latest Arab COVID-19-related studies is discussed in the current study and how these findings are connected to global production. Continuing and improving future collaboration between developing and developed countries will also help to facilitate the sharing of responsibilities for COVID-19 in research results and the implementation of policies for COVID-19.

Between Islamists and Liberals: Saudi Arabia's New “Islamo-Liberal” Reformists

2004 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphane Lacroix
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Religious Reform ◽  
Religious Doctrine ◽  
Democratic Change ◽  
The Government

The last few years in Saudi Arabia have witnessed the rise of a new trend made up of former Islamists and liberals, Sunnis and Shi'ites, calling for democratic change within an Islamic framework through a revision of the official Wahhabi religious doctrine. These intellectuals have managed to gain visibility on the local scene, notably through a series of manifestos and petitions, and their project has even received support from among the Royal Family. Indeed, the government has since then taken a number of preliminary steps towards political and religious reform. But does this mean that Saudi Arabia is about to enter the era of Post-Wahhabism?

scholarly journals My Brother’s Keeper: Assurbanipal versus Šamaš-šuma-ukīn

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-52
Author(s):  
Shana Zaia
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Accidental Death ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Royal Family ◽  
Taboo Topics ◽  
Enemy Combatant

AbstractWhen Esarhaddon named his successors, he split the empire between two of his sons, with Assurbanipal as king of Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn as king of Babylonia. This arrangement functioned until 652 BCE, at which point a civil war began between the brothers. The war ended with Assurbanipal’s victory and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death in 648 BCE. While Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death is mentioned in several of Assurbanipal’s inscriptions, it is still unclear how the king of Babylon met his end, and scholars have suggested theories ranging from suicide, assassination, execution, and accidental death. By offering a reexamination of the evidence for royal death in general and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s demise in particular, this article explores how possibly taboo topics such as fratricide, regicide, and suicide were depicted in Neo-Assyrian state texts and how Assurbanipal appears to have coped with his brother’s rebellion and death, especially as compared to Assyrian treatments of belligerent and rebellious foreign kings. This article argues that the relative silence around Šamaššuma- ukīn’s death is due to the fact that, while he was an enemy combatant, he was nonetheless a member of the Assyrian royal family and a legitimately-installed king. Overall, this article concludes that Assurbanipal uses several rhetorical strategies to distance himself from Šamaš-šuma-ukīn, especially invoking deus ex machina as a way to avoid even the potential accusation of fratricide and ultimately erasing his brother from the written record and Assyrian history.

Transnational Jihadism & Civil Wars

Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Martha Crenshaw
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Domestic Terrorism ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
Power Centers ◽  
Soviet Invasion ◽  
Competing Power ◽  
Foreign Fighters ◽  
The Relationship

When rebels also employ terrorism, civil wars can become more intractable. Since the 1980s, jihadism, a form of violent transnational activism, has mobilized civil war rebels, outside entrepreneurs, foreign fighters, and organizers of transnational as well as domestic terrorism. These activities are integral to the jihadist trend, representing overlapping and conjoined strands of the same ideological current, which in turn reflects internal division and dissatisfaction within the Arab world and within Islam. Jihadism, however, is neither unitary nor monolithic. It contains competing power centers and divergent ideological orthodoxies. Different jihadist actors emphasize different priorities and strategies. They disagree, for example, on whether the “near” or the “far” enemy should take precedence. The relationship between jihadist terrorism and civil war is far from uniform or constant. This essay traces the trajectory of this evolution, beginning in the 1980s in the context of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan.

scholarly journals Proposal for the training of flexible education in preschool and public educational stages in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanan bint Ahmed bin Mishni al-Zahrani
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Primary Education ◽  
Education System ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Traditional Education ◽  
Educational Process ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Application Methods ◽  
Analytical Approaches ◽  
Flexible Education

The aim of this study is to recognize the flexible education system in primary education stages and preschools in the Arab world. Along with the justifications for acknowledging such a system، including its contributions in solving the issues of the school education system and its application methods. This study is based on both descriptive and analytical approaches to analyses the findings by identifying the justifications for acknowledging this system، together with previous studies and successful examples، and make comparison between the traditional education and the flexible education system and this study was the tool in observation and analysis the stories،pictures and videos of learning experiment for families who adopt flexible education system and apply that in two public education schools and twenty flexible education systems. This study formed from observation and analysis eight points : the objectives of the educational process، the teacher، the curriculum، student needs، teaching strategies، educational environment and its preparation،educational speed and evaluation .And determination the advantages and disadvantages to everyone from these eight points . The results of the study according to the eight points above show that the flexible education system in primary education stages and preschools is outperform the traditional education system . They also show the reasons and justifications to experiment the flexible education system and its application methods . According to the result the study confirm to apply the flexible education system in primary stages and preschools in Saudi Arabia to keep up with modern educational systems، and for its benefits to society as a whole .  

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