taboo topics
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Author(s):  
Paulina Łyszko

Feminism in music is not a new concept, but we can observe a new wave of pop feminism in pop music, in a younger generation of female artists. They are open to discuss taboo topics, connected to carnality, sexuality, body positivity or feminism. The artists such as Miley Cyrus, Beyoncé, Pink, Avril Lavigne or Taylor Swift, with more courage are presenting in their creation, until now – taboo topics, rejected in mainstream music. They are not afraid of portraying topics, such as: sexual freedom, women’s rights, the objectification of women, men power and domination, social injustice, fat shaming, slut-shaming, or existence of unfair stereotypes. They are also advocating the legalization of homosexual relationships, race equality and human rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. C10
Author(s):  
Aarti Kapoor ◽  
Merryn McKinnon

The medical arena often encounters ‘taboo’ topics. These appear especially prevalent in women's health conditions, such as menstruation and menopause. Taboos are exacerbated by medical uncertainty, complex jargon, and patients' misunderstanding of the human anatomy — impacting patients' ability to actively participate in a shared decision-making process with their doctor. In this commentary, we look at one example of a medical procedure where taboo topics pose a number of challenges in doctor-patient communication — hysterectomy. We explore whether science communication can address these challenges, as well as contribute and collaborate in other medical scenarios, thereby benefiting both disciplines, and ultimately, patients.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-380

This study investigates the use of euphemistic strategies by Jordanian university students. It is also examines the effect of taboo topics, gender, and social context on the use of euphemism. To achieve this goal, a questionnaire was developed and distributed to 200 students who were randomly selected from four Jordanian universities. The results of the study show that the politeness concept seems to be clear for Jordanian university students; they tend to use euphemism in highlighting taboo topics, in order to save their own face and other’s positive face. Understatement strategy was the most frequently used by Jordanian university students and taboo topics did not have major effect in Jordanian students' use of euphemism. It is found that gender does not have statistically significant role in euphemistic usage. The results also show that social context affects Jordanian university students' use of euphemism in some taboo topics. Keywords: Euphemistic strategies, taboo, politeness, Jordanian students.


2020 ◽  
pp. 243-255
Author(s):  
Falko von Ameln ◽  
Jochen Becker-Ebel

2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-269
Author(s):  
Ephraim Domingo ◽  
Analyn Caroy ◽  
Janice Carambas ◽  
Elaine Grace Dizon ◽  
Karyl Po-or

This paper explores the cuss words used by the Kankanaey young people of The Philippines, examines the reasons they use them and if these cuss words reflect their identity. It employs the qualitative approach and uses a semi-structured interview. Most of the cuss words are terms that range from taboo topics such as the genitals, to inoffensive terms such as body parts, to incapacity, and to words borrowed and modified from English, as well as those invented. These cuss words are usually used to express emotions that range from light to strong ones such as anger, disappointment, fright, or surprise.


Author(s):  
Anneli Saro

Abstract: Mechanisms, strategies and taboo topics of Soviet censorship in Estonian theatre Since theatre in the Soviet Union had to be first of all a propaganda and educational institution, the activity, repertoire and every single production of the theatre was subject to certain ideological and artistic prescriptions. Theatre artists were not subject to any official regulations regarding forbidden topics or ways of representation, thus the nature of censorship manifested itself to them in practice. Lists of forbidden authors and works greatly affected politics related to repertoire until the mid-1950s but much less afterwards. Research on censorship is hampered by the fact that it was predominately oral, based on phone or face-to-face conversations, and corresponding documentation has been systematically destroyed. This article is primarily based on memoirs and research conducted by people who were active in the Soviet theatre system. It systematises the empirical material into four parts: 1) mechanisms of censorship, 2) forms and strategies, 3) counter-strategies against censorship and 4) taboo topics. Despite the attempt to map theatre censorship in Estonia after the Second World War (1945–1990), most of the material concerns the period from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s. This can be explained by the age of the respondents, but it can also be related to the fact that the Soviet control system became more liberal or ambiguous after the Khrushchev thaw encouraged theatre artists and officials to test the limits of freedom. The mechanisms of theatre censorship were multifaceted. Ideological correctness and the artistic maturity of repertoire and single productions were officially controlled by the Arts Administration (1940–1975) and afterwards by the Theatre Administration (1975–1990) under the supervision of the Ministry of Culture. Performing rights for new texts were allocated by the Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs (Glavlit): texts by foreign authors were approved by the central office in Moscow, and texts by local authors were approved by local offices. The third censorship agency was the artistic committee that operated in every single theatre. Nevertheless, the most powerful institution was the Department of Culture of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Estonia, whose influence on artistic issues had to be kept confidential by the parties involved. On top of all this, there was the hidden power and omnipresent network of agents of the Committee for State Security (KGB). Some audience members also acted as self-appointed censors. The network and system of censorship made the control system almost total and permanent, also enforcing self-censorship. Forms of censorship can be divided into preventive and punitive censorship, and strategies into direct and indirect censorship. Soviet censorship institutions mostly applied preventive censorship to plays or parts of productions, but hardly any production was cancelled before its premiere because that would have had undesirable financial consequences. Punitive censorship after the premiere was meant for correcting mistakes when the political climate changed or if a censor had been too reckless/lenient/clever, or if actors/audiences had started emphasising implicit meanings. Preventive censorship was predominantly direct and punitive censorship indirect (compelling directors to change mise en scènes or prescribing the number of performances). Indirect censorship can be characterised by ambiguity and allusions. A distinction can be made between preventive and punitive censorship in the context of single productions, but when forbidden authors, works or topics were involved, these two forms often merged. The plurality of censorship institutions or mechanisms, and shared responsibility led to a playful situation where parties on both sides of the front line were constantly changing, enabling theatre artists to use different counter-strategies against censorship. Two main battlefields were the mass media and meetings of the artistic committees, where new productions were introduced. The most common counter-strategies were the empowerment of productions and directors with opinions from experts and public figures (used also as a tool of censorship), providing ideologically correct interpretations of productions, overstated/insincere self-criticism on the part of theatre artists, concealing dangerous information (names of authors, original titles of texts, etc.), establishing relationships based on mutual trust with representatives of censorship institutions for greater artistic freedom, applying for help from central institutions of the Soviet Union against local authorities, and delating on censors. At the same time, a censor could fight for freedom of expression or a critic could work ambivalently as support or protection. In addition to forbidden authors whose biography, world view or works were unacceptable to Soviet authorities, there was an implicit list of dangerous topics: criticism of the Soviet Union as a state and a representative of the socialist way of life, positive representations of capitalist countries and their lifestyles, national independence and symbols of the independent Republic of Estonia (incl. blue-black-white colour combinations), idealisation of the past and the bourgeoisie, derogation of the Russian language and nation, violence and harassment by Soviet authorities, pessimism and lack of positive character, religious propaganda, sexuality and intimacy. When comparing the list of forbidden topics with analogous ones in other countries, for example in the United Kingdom where censorship was abolished in 1968, it appears that at a general level the topics are quite similar, but priorities are reversed: Western censorship was dealing with moral issues while its Eastern counterpart was engaged with political issues. It can be concluded that all censorship systems are somehow similar, embracing both the areas of restrictions and the areas of freedom and role play, providing individuals on both sides of the front line with opportunities to interpret and embody their roles according their world view and ethics. Censorship of arts is still an issue nowadays, even when it is hidden or neglected.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alicia A. Grandey ◽  
Allison S. Gabriel ◽  
Eden B. King

In North America and Western Europe, women now compose almost half the workforce but still face disparities in pay and promotions. We suggest that women’s natural experiences of the three Ms (i.e., menstruation, maternity, and menopause) are taboo topics in ways that may constrain women’s careers. We propose that the three Ms are particularly incongruent with expectations at intersecting career stages (i.e., a job market newcomer having menstrual discomfort, an early career professional breastfeeding, a company leader getting hot flashes), with implications for work outcomes. In this review, we tackle the taboo of the three Ms by reviewing the evidence for how menstruation, maternity, and menopause are each linked to (1) hormonal and physiological changes, (2) societal beliefs and stereotypes, and (3) work affect, cognition, and behavior. We conclude by proposing novel implications for incorporating the three Ms into existing theoretical frameworks (i.e., work-nonwork spillover; stigma and disclosure; occupational health) and presenting new research questions and practices for understanding and addressing the ways that women’s health intersects with career trajectories.


Author(s):  
Douglas Nkumbo; Sheila P. Wandera-Simwa; James Ogola Onyango

The paper explores ideological supremacy of durex adverts on Facebook fan page Kenya by unpacking the dominant themes in the adverts. Sex education and safe sex advertising remain a global challenge due to its sensitivity and biases derived from attitudes and values that are either personal or related to religion and traditions. Some societies openly discuss taboo topics such as sex, sexual orientations and sexual practices while others are uneasy about doing so. This is a challenge to condoms promoters who use online means to reach people of different cultures worldwide. This study, therefore, critically analyzed Durex adverts in their Facebook fan page Kenya. The study uses Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) specifically Norman Fairclough’s 3 -D model and Kress and van Leeuwen’s Grammar of Visual Design. The research designs used was both quantitative and descriptive. Data was collected through making an online observation, retrieving and electronically storing. Purposive sampling procedure was used to arrive at 150 adverts (visuals and written) were downloaded from the Durex Facebook fan page Kenya for analysis. The findings showed that the most dominant theme was pleasure derived from using Durex condoms. Rational appeal was most dominant, and various metaphors were used in Durex adverts to ideologically construct super Durex using various discourses to avoid discussing matters of sex openly. This research will add knowledge to the field of Critical Discourse Analysis, especially in health communication and taboo topics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-52
Author(s):  
Shana Zaia

AbstractWhen Esarhaddon named his successors, he split the empire between two of his sons, with Assurbanipal as king of Assyria and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn as king of Babylonia. This arrangement functioned until 652 BCE, at which point a civil war began between the brothers. The war ended with Assurbanipal’s victory and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death in 648 BCE. While Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s death is mentioned in several of Assurbanipal’s inscriptions, it is still unclear how the king of Babylon met his end, and scholars have suggested theories ranging from suicide, assassination, execution, and accidental death. By offering a reexamination of the evidence for royal death in general and Šamaš-šuma-ukīn’s demise in particular, this article explores how possibly taboo topics such as fratricide, regicide, and suicide were depicted in Neo-Assyrian state texts and how Assurbanipal appears to have coped with his brother’s rebellion and death, especially as compared to Assyrian treatments of belligerent and rebellious foreign kings. This article argues that the relative silence around Šamaššuma- ukīn’s death is due to the fact that, while he was an enemy combatant, he was nonetheless a member of the Assyrian royal family and a legitimately-installed king. Overall, this article concludes that Assurbanipal uses several rhetorical strategies to distance himself from Šamaš-šuma-ukīn, especially invoking deus ex machina as a way to avoid even the potential accusation of fratricide and ultimately erasing his brother from the written record and Assyrian history.


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