I Am Curious (Yellow) as Sex Education in the USA

Author(s):  
Saniya Lee Ghanoui

This chapter explores I Am Curious (Yellow) and the public’s response during its first box office run in the United States. It argues that the film functioned as a non-normative form of sex education, and that the U.S. government wanted to censor it swiftly not because it was pornographic, but precisely because it was deemed not to be. In other words, the film presented itself as a creative pseudo-documentary endeavor while the U.S. interpreted it as obscene and tasteless; the film pushed the definitions of what is and is not documentary and informational film. I place I Am Curious (Yellow) in the historical canon of internationally (in)famous Swedish sex education films, the most notable example being Language of Love (Ur kärlekens språk). I Am Curious (Yellow) was the first of several films that further blurred the line between sex education and pornography on an international scale.

2018 ◽  
pp. 688-706
Author(s):  
Liudmyla Chekalenko

The article states that the world is marked by deep changes and unexpected tendencies in security, political, economic and social fields. European West, the leading position of which is questioned with increasing frequency, has to make significant adjustments to its own policies, to strengthen its role by applying new instruments of influence in order to adequately respond to rising challenges. All participants of the European integration association, including Poland, face a range of common problems, which they cannot solve by their own. This situation determined strategic objectives of Poland’s foreign policy one of which is the establishment of long-term and allied relations with the United States of America. With the collapse of the Warsaw military bloc, Poland has implemented two major vectors: the path to the NATO and EU membership. The author points out that the position of the USA and cooperation with Washington is currently important for Poland. Among the main areas of partnership, there are economic, military, scientific cooperation, visa issues, cooperation in the field of energy and climate, etc. The priority objective is to strengthen the position of Poland on the international scene, provide country security through collaborative relations with NATO, as well as systematically expand the scope of bilateral cooperation. The Poland’s path to NATO has not been easy. Following the actual denial of membership from the US, Poland was concerned. Nevertheless in 1996 the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate passed the NATO Enlargement Facilitation Act, particularly through Poland’s involvement. Poland’s actions in the international arena reflect the values that are the basis of the Polish state. They are democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and solidarity. That is why Poland follows certain priorities to achieve these goals. Foreign policy vectors are determined by the President and Parliament, among them the priority is given to strengthening Poland’s position in the international arena, to guarantee the security of the country through cooperation with NATO, etc. Consequently, Warsaw is frank that the future of Poland will depend on how the country will use its strategic partnership with the United States. Keywords: Republic of Poland, NATO, United States of America, bilateral cooperation.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Benson Ninan ◽  
Albert I Wertheimer

Since 1979, the United Nations has maintained a list of drugs banned from sale in member countries. Interestingly, there are a number of pharmaceuticals on the market in the USA that have been banned elsewhere and similarly, there are some drug products that have been banned in the United States, but remain on the market in other countries. This report provides a look into the policies for banning drug sales internationally and the role of the United Nations in maintaining the master list for companies and countries to use for local decision guidance.   Type: Commentary


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Keren Sun

This paper uses Qian’s level-standard economy approach to analyze the losses and gains of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era. Analysis found that: level-standard economy’s sectors are the losers during the process of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era; and super level-standard economy’s sectors are the winners during the process of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era. The erosion of the level-standard economy has great harm and impact on related parties, so that the USA emerges the movement of populist backlash against globalization. This paper proposes 4 measures to solve this dilemma, i.e., to impose higher tax rates on the winners of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era, to subsidize more to the losers of American globalization in the Neoliberal Era, to moderately relocate manufacturing and other industries back to the U.S., and to further strengthen transnational cooperation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tariq Aziz ,Fahad Muhammad ,Waheed Shah

Under Donald Trump's administration, American foreign policy's controversial and anti-traditional path has already disrupted decades of U.S strategy, conveying an extreme response from both allies and enemies. This steady decline not only confuses the close allies of the USA in Europe and Asia but also brings new insight to the growing and revival powers that the age of historic global dominance in the United States is over. The decline in US superpower status was, however, accidentally not due to "national below-reach," but through a gradual loss of power and authority including the sacrifice of power. Under Trump's administration, U.S. foreign policy is shifting the U.S. relationship with former friends and harming their potential to achieve the expected results.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary D. Hachtel ◽  
John D. Stack ◽  
Jordan A. Hachtel

AbstractWe propose a novel Timed InterventionS, P, E, I, Q, R, D model for projecting the possible futures of the COVID-19 pandemic in the USA. The proposed model introduces a series of timed interventions that can account for the influence of real time changes in government policy and social norms. We consider three separate types of interventions:Protective interventions. Where population moves from susceptible to protected corresponding to mask mandates, stay-at-home orders and/or social distancing.Release interventions. Where population moves from protected to susceptible corresponding to social distancing mandates and practices being lifted by policy or pandemic fatigue.Vaccination interventions. Where population moves from susceptible, protected, and exposed to recovered (meaning immune) corresponding to the mass immunization of the U.S. Population.By treating the pandemic with timed interventions, we are able to model the pandemic extremely effectively, as well as directly predicting of the course of the pandemic under differing sets of intervention schedules. We show that without prompt effective protective/vaccination interventions the pandemic will extend all the way into 2022 and result in many millions of deaths in the U.S.†Copyright NoticeThis manuscript has been authored by UT-Battelle, LLC under Contract No. DE-AC05-00OR22725 with the U.S. Department of Energy. The United States Government retains and the publisher, by accepting the article for publication, acknowledges that the United States Government retains a non-exclusive, paid-up, irrevocable, worldwide license to publish or reproduce the published form of this manuscript, or allow others to do so, for United States Government purposes. The Department of Energy will provide public access to these results of federally sponsored research in accordance with the DOE Public Access Plan (http://energy.gov/downloads/doe-public-access-plan).


2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lyn Pleger ◽  
Fritz Sager ◽  
Michael Morris ◽  
Wolfgang Meyer ◽  
Reinhard Stockmann

Pressure on evaluators has been investigated recently by surveys in the USA, the UK, Germany, and Switzerland. This study compares the results of those studies regarding pressure on evaluators in different countries. The findings suggest that independence of evaluations does not exist for many respondents. Moreover, the person who commissioned the evaluator for evaluation is identified by all studies as the primary influencing stakeholder in the evaluation process. In terms of differences, Germany seems to be more prone to pressure on evaluators. However, German evaluators do not show stronger tendencies to surrender to pressure than the other countries’ respondents. We suggest that this pattern may be explained by the strong state tradition in Germany as opposed to the U.S. and Switzerland, in conjunction with evaluators’ profession-based, principled resistance to such pressure.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-324
Author(s):  
Natalia Valerievna Galistcheva ◽  
Elena Vakhtangovna Nebolsina

The paper investigates trade and investment relations between India and its two major trading partners, viz. the U.S. and China in the 2000-2010s. On the basis of mixed method research with equal use of quantitative and qualitative, as well as historical and statistical methods, the authors estimate the possibilities for expanding interstate interactions and the difficulties the countries might face. By comparing the scale and particulars of the product structure of Indo-American and Indo-Chinese trade, the authors reveal that intra-industry trade between India and the United States is at a fairly high level, which, in turn, is not typical for the trade between India and China, which is mostly inter-industry due to the sluggish cooperation of Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs. The authors assess the intensity of the Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral trade between 2000-2018 by means of indices of intensity of Indias exports and imports to / from the USA and China, as well as indices of intensity of exports and imports of its partners to / from India. The obtained results outline the upward trend of the share of Indian exports to the U.S. relative to other countries, which indicates that India is successfully conquering the U.S. market, and Indian goods are becoming increasingly competitive. Meanwhile, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade remains on a much lower level than it could be expected with the current share of India in the world trade. In the meantime, neither for the United States nor for China, India is a dominant partner. The article also investigates major obstacles hindering the development of both Indo-American and Indo-Chinese bilateral relations. The obtained results enable the authors to predict that in the short- and mid-term economic cooperation between India and its leading partners is likely to strengthen, with India keeping striving for standing neuter while building the two most crucial vectors of its foreign economic policy.


Author(s):  
A. I. Podberezkin ◽  
J. Y. Parshkova

The article analyses the political and military aspects of progress in the dialogue between Russia and the U.S./NATO on cooperation in missile defense; investigates the past experiences and current state of cooperation between Russia and the Alliance on missile defense issues; examines the technical features of American missile defence systems today; finds a solution to question whether or not the European Missile Defence Program actually threatens Russia's nuclear deterrent and strategic stability in general; identifies both potential benefits and possible losses for Russia stemming from the development of cooperation with the United States and NATO in countering ballistic missile threats, or from refusal to have such cooperation. Evidently, the initiative of creation of a missile defense in Europe surely belongs to the USA. Washington has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities in the field of a missile defense, exceeding by far other NATO member-states. In February 2010, the President of the United States B. Obama adopted a project "European Phased Adaptive Approach" (EPAA) as an alternative to G. Bush's global strategic missile defense plan. The first two stages of the Phased Adaptive Approach are focused on creating a system capable of intercepting small, medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles. The possibility of intercepting long-range missiles is postponed to the third (2018) and forth phases (2020). Moscow finds especially troublesome the third and the fourth phases of Washington's project of creating a European segment of the global antiballistic missile system, considering prospective capabilities of the U.S. interceptor missiles 61 and the envisioned areas of their deployment. The U.S. counter-evidence is that phase four interceptors do not exist yet. Russia insists on getting the political and legal guarantees from the U.S. and NATO that their missile defense systems will not slash the efficiency of Russian nuclear deterrence forces.


Author(s):  
Ella Inglebret ◽  
Amy Skinder-Meredith ◽  
Shana Bailey ◽  
Carla Jones ◽  
Ashley France

The authors in this article first identify the extent to which research articles published in three American Speech-Language-Hearing Association (ASHA) journals included participants, age birth to 18 years, from international backgrounds (i.e., residence outside of the United States), and go on to describe associated publication patterns over the past 12 years. These patterns then provide a context for examining variation in the conceptualization of ethnicity on an international scale. Further, the authors examine terminology and categories used by 11 countries where research participants resided. Each country uses a unique classification system. Thus, it can be expected that descriptions of the ethnic characteristics of international participants involved in research published in ASHA journal articles will widely vary.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Goggin

Interest in the fate of the German psychoanalysts who had to flee Hitler's Germany and find refuge in a new nation, such as the United States, has increased. The ‘émigré research’ shows that several themes recur: (1) the theme of ‘loss’ of one's culture, homeland, language, and family; and (2) the ambiva-lent welcome these émigrés received in their new country. We describe the political-social-cultural context that existed in the United States during the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s. Documentary evidence found in the FBI files of three émigré psychoanalysts, Clara Happel, Martin Grotjahn, and Otto Fenichel, are then presented in combination with other source material. This provides a provisional impression of how each of these three individuals experienced their emigration. As such, it gives us elements of a history. The FBI documents suggest that the American atmosphere of political insecurity and fear-based ethnocentric nationalism may have reinforced their old fears of National Socialism, and contributed to their inclination to inhibit or seal off parts of them-selves and their personal histories in order to adapt to their new home and become Americanized. They abandoned the rich social, cultural, political tradition that was part of European psychoanalysis. Finally, we look at these elements of a history in order to ask a larger question about the appropriate balance between a liberal democratic government's right to protect itself from internal and external threats on the one hand, or crossover into the blatant invasion of civil rights and due process on the other.


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