Gender

Author(s):  
Sheela Jeyaraj ◽  
Evangeline Anderson-Rajkumar

Gender issues in South and Central Asia involve discriminations in the socio-cultural, political and economic realms. Despite policy initiatives, gender equality is still not available for most women. The condition of Central Asian women is less favourable than that of their counterparts in South Asia. Still, in South Asian countries where certain Hindu or Buddhist fundamentalist norms prevail, the position of women continues to be deplorable. Discrimination of women is justified in Sanskrit scriptures, which do not contain a coherent narrative of the creation of women. Likewise, the scriptures of Jainism and Buddhism present women as inferior to men. The status of Christian women in certain South Asian countries is better than that of their Central Asian republics. The patriarchal societies of South and Central Asia do not educate a sufficient number of women in theology. Today, almost all female Christian theologians in South Asia engage with the pathos of the exploited. Reversal of gender roles among diaspora communities have caused conflicts in the home and in public. Despite their struggles, Christian women in South and Central Asia continue their witness to God’s grace in Christ sustaining them.

2019 ◽  
Vol 75 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-107
Author(s):  
Jovid Ikromov

In this article, the place of Central Asia, particularly of Tajikistan, in the Eurasian continent has been examined. The slow and confident transfer of engine of the world economy from the West to the East and South increasing the role of the countries located between them. Located between Europe, Russia and South Asia, five Central Asian countries are interested in the development and participation in broader transcontinental trade and transit corridors connecting in all directions. Tajikistan has a unique opportunity to become a hub of trade and transit as it is located at the crossroads of growing ties between South and Central Asia.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 328-344
Author(s):  
Shabnam Dadparvar ◽  
Hamidreza Azizi

China has traditionally had close relations with Central Asia for quite a long time. The main reasons for this are probably their social, cultural, and demographic bonds, as well as geographical proximity, providing China with a different status in Central Asia from those of the other regions in the world. These bonds have also been strengthened by the ancient Silk Road, beginning in China and passing through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe. Cultural relations, in general, and China’s attempt to expand its means of soft power in the region, in particular, have been a significant aspect of the ties between China and the Central Asian countries. It has drawn attention, especially over the recent decade, and has manifested in various forms. By focussing on the dimension of relations between China and the Central Asian countries, this article addresses the question of what does China try to achieve by expanding its soft power in Central Asia? The article argues that China has focussed on the expansion of its soft power and the consolidation of cultural ties with the Central Asian countries to expand its influence in the region and, eventually, to rise as a new centre of power in the international system. Following a conceptual discussion on the definition of soft power, the article analyses the status of soft power in China’s foreign policy and then, the representations of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Finally, the essay discusses the effects of the soft power factor on the expansion of Chinese influence in the region.


Author(s):  
E. Ionova

The Taliban’s (terrorist organization banned in Russia) victory in Afghanistan creates new threats and challenges to the countries of Central Asia. At the same time, the attitude of the Central Asian republics to the new government is significantly different. While Tajikistan is not yet ready to establish ties with the Taliban, Uzbekistan, interested in economic projects with Afghanistan, aims to develop good-neighborly relations with the Taliban. In the context of the aggravation of the situation on the southern borders of the CIS, cooperation between Russia and the countries of the region in the field of security is strengthening, which increases its role in Central Asia. Having carried out the withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan, the United States does not abandon its attempts to gain a foothold in the region, seeking to involve the Central Asian countries in solving their problems. At the same time, proposals are being put forward that may create additional difficulties for the Central Asian republics.


Author(s):  
Soma Dhar

Equal Measures 2030 introduces the 2019 SDG Gender Index in the global report that highlights the power of data for gender equality. The Index is the complete mechanism known to investigate the state of gender equality across 129 countries, 14 of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), and 51 targets correlated to issues innate in the SDGs. This study explores the progress of gender equality in South Asian countries, comprising Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and Pakistan. The study indicates the poorer performance of South Asian countries in the SDG Gender index. It draws attention to the SDG-4 performances of South Asian countries as it has a strong gender perspective, grounded in evidence on the close links between girls’ education and social and economic development, including poverty reduction. Using qualitative and quantitative methods, the study explores SDG 2020 projections and assesses the performance and rate of progress and acceleration timespan for South Asian countries toward gender equality by 2030. The overall comparison confirms that the performance of no country has been satisfactory in the SDG Gender Index. Sri Lanka is leading, ranked 1st in South Asia, and 15th in Asia and the Pacific region. Bangladesh and Pakistan are the worst performers in South Asia. Equal Measures 2030 serve to enhance girls' and women’s status, champion their abilities, and advocate their equality through policies and actions at the ground level.


Author(s):  
Tuğçe Uzun Kocamış ◽  
Serdar Kuzu ◽  
Emre Aksu

Kazakhstan is in a distinctive position among other Central Asian Republics due to its rich economic resources. It has the highest per capita GDP. Turkey is the first country to recognize the independence of Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is the major strategic partner of Turkey in Central Asia. Due to its active and constructive approach, its importance has been increasing in Turkey’s foreign policy. Turkey, having qualified human resources, technology know-how, and international experience, is capable of supporting Central Asian countries in various areas. When their economy, production structure, export and import demands are compared withTurkey, we may see a great collaboration opportunities to complement each other. Due to the common history, ethnics, and culture, Turkey has become the strategic partner for Kazakhstan. Turkeyis also an important market for Kazakhstan as it has a continously developing industry, increasing consumer expenses, and growing export potential.


2015 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 50-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolay Murashkin

This paper looks into the role of policy-making carried out by various government officials in the Japanese financial community who contributed to the formulation and implementation of Japanese “Silk Road Diplomacy” in the 1990s and 2000s. Furthermore, it examines the role of key Japanese ministries in the overall Japanese geopolitical engagement in Central Asia. When the five Central Asian republics of the USSR became independent in 1991, they soon encountered a proactive engagement of Japanese diplomacy toward them. Besides boosting bilateral assistance and economic ties, official Tokyo has vigorously promoted the Central Asian states’ eligibility in many international financial institutions and provided extensive advice on reform policies. Both Japanese and Central Asian officials shared a preference for gradualism in economic reforms as a popular approach alternative to the Western neoliberalism in Central Asian countries, although the extent of embracing gradualism varied upon individual republics and advising officials. Spurred by the failures of the Washington consensus and financial crises of the 1990s, Central Asian gradualism can be regarded as an early precursor attempt at post-neoliberalism.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Slade

Across a large part of Asia are found a variety of verb-verb collocations, a prominent subset of which involves collocations typically displaying completive or resultative semantics. Such collocations are found in Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages of South Asia, Turkic and Iranian languages of Central Asia, and in Chinese languages. In South and Central Asian languages, verb-verb collocations usually involve some added aspectual/Aktionsart element of meaning, frequently (though not exclusively) indicating completion of an event and sometimes involving speaker evaluation of the event (e.g., surprise, regret). Thus Hindi Rām-ne kitāb paṛh diyā, literally “John read-gave the book,” with the sense “John read the book out.” In Chinese languages, many verb-verb collocations involve a resultative sense, similar to English “Kim ran herself/her shoes ragged.” However, earlier Chinese verb-verb collocations were agent-oriented, for example, She-sha Ling Gong“(Someone) shot and killed Duke Ling,” where she is “shoot” and sha is “kill.” In Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, and Central Asian languages, we find verb-verb collocations that evolve from idiomaticization and grammaticalization of constructions involving converbs, for example, a collocation meaning “he, having eaten food, left” acquires the meaning “he ate food (completely).” Similarly, the Chinese verb-verb resultatives derive from earlier verb-verb “co-ordinate” constructions (originally with an overt morpheme er: ji er sha zhi “struck and killed him”), which functionally is similar to the role of converbs in South and Central Asian languages. While these Asian verb-verb collocations are strikingly similar in broad strokes, there are significant differences in the lexical, semantic, and morphosyntactic properties of these constructions in different languages. This is true even in closely related languages in the same language family, such as in Hindi and Nepali. The historical relation between verb-verb collocations in different Asian languages is unclear. Even in geographically proximate language families such as Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, there is evidence of independent development of verb-verb collocations, with possible later convergence. Central Asian verb-verb collocations being very similar in morphosyntactic structure to South Asian verb-verb collocations, it is tempting to suppose that for these there is some contact-based cause, particularly since such collocations are much less prominent in Turkic and Iranian languages outside of Central Asia. The relation between South and Central Asian verb-verb collocations and Chinese verb-verb collocations is even more opaque, and there are greater linguistic differences here. In this connection, further study of verb-verb collocations in Asian languages geographically intermediate to Central and South Asia, including Thai, Vietnamese, and Burmese, is required.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-175
Author(s):  
TM Tonmoy Islam ◽  
David Newhouse ◽  
Monica Yanez-Pagans

Abstract This paper explores the methodological differences underlying the construction of the national consumption aggregates that are used to estimate international poverty rates for South Asian countries. The analysis draws on a regional dataset of standardized consumption aggregates to assess the sensitivity of international poverty rates to the items included in the national consumption aggregates. A key feature of the standardized aggregate is that it includes the reported value of housing rent for urban Indian homeowners. Using the standardized consumption aggregates reduces the international poverty rate in South Asia by 1.3 percentage points, impacting the status of about 18.5 million people. Comparing standardized and nonstandardized monetary welfare indicators to other nonmonetary indicators suggests that the latter are more consistent with the standardized consumption aggregates. Overall, the results strongly suggest that harmonizing the construction of welfare measures, particularly the treatment of imputed rent, can meaningfully improve the accuracy of international poverty comparisons.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-392
Author(s):  
Bilal Mehmood ◽  
Saddam Ilyas ◽  
Muhammad Aleem

Abstract During times when terrorism is eroding almost all industries of victim economies, tourism industry is thought to be much prone to it. This paper investigates the long run relationship between terrorism and tourism for South Asian and African countries separately, allowing us to compare the results of the two regions. Long run relationship is analyzed via dynamic panel techniques (PMG, MG and DFE) on data for 22 African and 6 South Asian countries from 1991 to 2013. These panel cointegration techniques quantify the long-run relationship between terrorism and tourism. Terrorism has been found detrimental for tourism industry both in Africa and South Asia. Empirical findings affirm that terrorism has a long-run negative impact on tourism in both regions. Recommendations, on the basis of findings are proposed at the end.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-156
Author(s):  
Kun Wang

Central Asia, being an important zone in the Silk Road Economic Belt of the China Road «One Belt-One Way», is an important economic channel for China, connecting European countries by land. Transport communication is the basis of the work of the initiative «One belt-one path», therefore it is important and priority. Although the development of land connections (railways, highways) between China and Central Asia has made significant progress, passenger services, especially air passenger services, are still underdeveloped. The paper explains the state of development and existing problems of the bilateral air passenger transport market between China and Central Asia through the data analysis and policy studies of the «Bilateral Air Agreement». Three policy recommendations are put forward within the framework of the «One Belt-One Way» initiative. First, China and five Central Asian countries should use the platform created by the initiative «One Belt-One Way» to actively negotiate new bilateral air agreement between governments in the field of law, airports of general aviation, capacity and airline access to further ease regulations. Considering concerns that five Central Asian countries may have regarding the protection of their national airlines, the negotiation of an aviation agreement between China and Central Asia may use a model of negotiations between US and Canada on bilateral aviation agreement. Second, given the capacity of airports and rapid economic development of China’s second and third level cities, Governments’ preferential airport policies in China’s second- and third-tier cities could be extended to attract Chinese and Central Asian airlines to operate direct flights between these cities and Central Asia. Third, to allow and encourage private and budget airlines to enter China-Central Asia airline market. These airlines can use their own price advantages to open up new markets that are not sufficiently attractive to traditional airlines.


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