scholarly journals ALBANIA AND STRATEGIC REFORMS IN ECONOMY AND DECENTRALIZATION OF LOCAL AUTONOMY

Author(s):  
Florid Dumi ◽  
Alba Dumi

The main issues handled out in this presentation are: strengthening local government leadership and initiative; partnership between municipalities and NGOs; concluding all of these in the community-based approaches to infrastructure services and neighborhood revitalization. Almost everywhere problems of water scarcity can be considerably mitigated through metering, leakage detection and reduction, network improvements, disconnection of illegal connections, and optimization of storage and supply patterns. The distribution problem in Albania also has a seasonal aspect: much more water is needed during the summer growing season; when rainfall is scarce, rural drinking water is often misused for irrigation; and the tourist resort areas use large amounts of water. Albania is open to foreign investment and increasing FDI is a top priority for the Albanian government. Albania has put in place a liberal foreign investment regime, including a 10 percent flat corporate and income tax and has taken measures to improve the business climate by streamlining business procedures through e-government reforms. These improvements along with NATO membership and progress toward EU integration have contributed to the increase in investors’ interest during the last couple of years. Promising sectors for foreign investors and include: energy (including alternative energies), telecommunications and tourism. The country’s geographic position places it at the crossroads of Western and Eastern Europe. A stable U.S. ally, Albania is a member of NATO, the WTO and is in the process of applying for candidate status in the European Union.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 190-224
Author(s):  
D. A. Potapov

The paper examines the role of investment cooperation and national foreign investment regime as a means to promote China’s economic and political interests and to respond to new global challenges that the country faces nowadays. To this end, the author examines the main stages of China’s liberalization of the legal regime for foreign investment from the end of the 1970s with a special focus on a new foreign investment law. In doing so the author attempts to link the evolution of investment regulation in the PRC with the dynamics of international relations development and the changing role of China as a regional and global actor. The author emphasizes that a trend towards the emergence of a polycentric world order not only provokes the rise of international tensions but also provides new incentives to promote dialogue and enhance cooperation between states and non-governmental actors, particularly by encouraging foreign investments. At the same time, there is a growing need to improve regulatory mechanisms for direct foreign investments. All these contradictory trends have directly affected China’s foreign investment regime reform. In this context the investment cooperation between the PRC and the European Union is of particular importance. The EU possesses a set of innovative technological solutions and competencies that are of particular interest to the Chinese leaders in the context of their efforts to modernize the country’s economy. The paper examines the volume, dynamics and key directions of investment flows between China and the EU member-states. The fact that after seven years of difficult negotiations, the EU and China managed to develop a special bilateral regulatory mechanism — EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment — underscores again the importance of this cooperation for both parties. Even though the EU has suspended the ratification of this deal on the pretext of human right violations in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the author concludes, that in the future this agreement will come into force, since the very logic of the emerging polycentric world order urges for deeper cooperation between the EU and China. In this context, the investment regulation appears not only as a means to protect the Chinese economic interests, but also as an instrument to strengthen China’s international positions in the changing global context.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Zhuk Pavlo

AbstractUkraine faces a threat of full-fledged default and deep financial and political crisis. The current deep recession is the country's second major economic crisis in ten years. Ukraine was severely affected by the global financial crisis in 2008, with its economy shrinking by 15% in 2009. The economy remained weak in the aftermath, as former government caused the business climate worsening. The lack of reforms limited growth of GDP to just 0.3% in 2012 and remained static in 2013. By the end of 2013, Ukraine was already on the brink of collapse. The conflict in the eastern part of the country has further exacerbated the recession. Today the sources of economic growth in Ukraine have been exhausted, and the country is strongly increasing its debts trying to attract foreign investment. The government’s reform efforts have so far failed to significantly improve the country’s business climate. Ukraine is ranked 83rd out of 189 countries in the latest World Bank's ‘Doing Business’ 2016 index. This score is the second worst in Europe. Ukraine is still considered the most corrupt country in Europe as well (rated at number 142 out of 175 by Transparency International in 2014). The persistent state of war has disrupted industrial production, which is mainly located in the eastern part. The article elucidates recent events in Ukraine as well as gives a brief historical overview. The influence of misleading governance of economic situation is revealed. The positive scenario, in which Ukraine overcomes default, is unlikely to happen unless the firm measures are to be taken.


Author(s):  
Giacomo Tagiuri

Abstract This article focuses on the economic regulatory component of the current backlash against liberal democracy and supranationalism in the European Union (EU). I identify a style of economic regulation that seeks to govern markets in the interest of insiders who are framed as vulnerable to the challenges of economic globalization – what I call rearguard economic regulation. While such regulation may be useful to reinforce national cultural attachments and a sense of belonging, it also has an anti-pluralist character that threatens markets’ emancipatory orientation. By identifying this challenge, the article seeks to defend a vision of markets as contributing to the promise of democracy, by fostering a plurality of options in each sphere of life. In the European context, I argue, EU economic law may be understood as advancing the realization of such a vision of markets. Viewed in this light, supranational and, specifically, EU economic law appear not so much as ordo- (or neo)-liberal straightjackets on national democracy but, instead, as providing mechanisms for democratization of the economy and society. Such democratizing potential is attributable to (i) the pluralist outlook of the law of EU integration, which forces member states to confront the plurality of forms of economic and social life existing within the polity and being further diversified by globalization as well as (ii) the deliberative and open-ended character of EU law adjudication, which may allow for progressive re-articulations of national market regulation.


2022 ◽  
pp. 244-259
Author(s):  
Sead Turcalo ◽  
Elmir Sadikovic ◽  
Elvis Fejzic

This chapter focuses on the analysis of the EU integration process of Bosnia and Herzegovina, dealing with the internal and external political challenges that country is facing on its path towards aspired EU membership. As one of the main internal challenges, the authors recognize a very pronounced ethnocracy and leaderocracy that captures democratic process, making the country unstable and unable to fulfill criteria even to achieve the status of candidate for EU membership. Furthermore, there is a strong influence of the neighboring countries, which were involved in the 1992-1995 war in Bosnia and continue to play very often an obstructive role in internal politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina. As the authors argue, in BiH, the issue of Euro-Atlantic integration is less a matter of political and economic transition, and more, it is not primarily an issue of stabilizing the peace and creating fundamental preconditions for overall development.


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 80-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Schneider

The transition to the CAP and admission to the internal market triggered a shock wave in Austria which caused fundamental changes in the country&rsquo;s farming and food industries. Behavioural patterns stuck in traditional routines and petrified structures began to break up. The resulting thrust towards modernisation has been a major success of the EU integration.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; <br />Eastern enlargement, about to be embarked on by the European Union, will have a&nbsp;greater impact on Austrian agriculture than the country&rsquo;s accession to the EU ever had. Farmers will have to brace for a loss of market shares and an additional pressure to adjust. The rural regions bordering the accession candidates will be particularly hit and thus require special attention in terms of economic policy measures. Agriculture and rural regions in Eastern Europe will profit from the EU-membership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (No. 2) ◽  
pp. 65-73
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Marcikić Horvat ◽  
Bojan Matkovski ◽  
Stanislav Zekić ◽  
Boris Radovanov

The main goal of this paper is to compare the relative technical efficiency of agriculture in Western Balkan countries to those of the European Union and to propose ways to improve the position of Western Balkan countries. The group of Western Balkan countries includes Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Albania, which are candidate countries for European Union membership, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina, which is currently a potential candidate. An input-oriented Data Envelopment Analysis model with the variable return to scale was applied to an 11-year period from 2006 to 2016. Input variables used in the model included labour, land, and capital, and the output was presented as the value of agricultural production. The highest average technical efficiency was achieved by the EU15 countries for the entire eleven-year period, while the Western Balkan countries had the lowest score. The source of this inefficiency was identified in lower levels of agricultural performance, e.g. a lower-level use of the primary production factors – labour and land.


Subject The business climate in Russia. Significance Russia's hydrocarbon resources and large consumer market have to date attracted the bulk of foreign direct investment (FDI). The government actively promotes foreign investment to fund production and bring in advanced technology. Low economic growth and Western sanctions -- current and possible -- discourage both foreign and domestic investment. A legal battle around the Baring Vostok investment company and the arrest of founder Michael Calvey further dented investor confidence this year. Impacts Russia's geography makes inclusion in global production value chains a challenge, except in locations near East Asian markets. Plans for government spending on transport infrastructure could reduce logistics costs and stimulate FDI inflows into Russia's far east. More stringent data handling and protection rules will discourage foreign investment in the IT sector.


Subject The business climate in Kazakhstan. Significance Kazakhstan is improving its score as a business environment but much remains to be done. Corporate regulation has improved and anti-corruption efforts have been undertaken, albeit with uneven effect. Major privatisations often do not happen or end up redistributing assets within Kazakhstan. A recent restructuring of ministerial responsibilities seems likely to complicate rather than simplify the task of attracting foreign investment. Impacts Aside from structural issues, unanswered but increasingly urgent questions of political succession will weigh on investor interest. The low level of economic diversification limits the pool of investor opportunities. Kazakhstan will continue to be the main regional magnet for FDI but Uzbekistan may start catching up.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1143-1145

Barry G. Rabe of Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan reviews, “Carbon Coalitions: Business, Climate Politics, and the Rise of Emissions Trading” by Jonas Meckling. The EconLit Abstract of this book begins: “Explores the strategies, level of influence, and sources of influence of business with regard to market-based climate policy, focusing on the role and importance of business in the rise of emissions trading. Discusses business coalitions in global environmental politics; the political economy of carbon trading; the Kyoto Protocol—internationalizing a U.S. regulatory approach; the European Union—from foe to friend of carbon trading; the United States— reimporting carbon trading; and business and the rise of market-based climate governance. Meckling is a postdoctoral fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University. Index.”


Author(s):  
Benjamin Saimbel Barcson

The 1995 local-level government reforms undertaken in Papua New Guinea (PNG) were largely in response to increasing concern that the public service was failing in its responsibility towards the people.  As a result, the 1995 Organic Law on Provincial and Local Governments (OLPLLG) was established.  The prime purpose of this was to address this issue through deeper engagement of the lower levels of government, particularly local-level governments (LLGs). Almost two decades on, poor socio-economic conditions and deterioration in infrastructure/services suggest that the proposed change has not materialised.  The purpose of this paper is to address the question of whether the lower tiers of government are capable of implementing the development plans under the reforms.  The paper finds that the 1995 reforms have made LLGs dependent upon their Joint District Planning and Budget Priorities Committee (JDP & BPC) and their district administration, which have become the main impediment to local government effectiveness.  This in turn has greatly hindered LLG capacity and has reinforced unequal relations, rather than assisting service delivery in PNG.  There is therefore a need to make LLGs more effective players.


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