scholarly journals Regulatory and Policy Analysis of Production, Development and Use of Sustainable Aviation Fuels in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekrem Korkut ◽  
Lara B. Fowler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Federal Policy ◽  
Greenhouse Gas Emission ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Aviation Fuel ◽  
Civil Aviation ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Clean Fuels ◽  
The U.S

The United States, spurred in part by international developments, is expanding its law and policy to incentivize the use of sustainable aviation fuels. While the U.S. has agreed to participate in the International Civil Aviation Organization’s (ICAO’s) Carbon Offsetting and Reduction Scheme for International Aviation (CORSIA), it has only recently adopted federal rules that define greenhouse gas emission reduction standards for certain classes of airplanes (effective January 2021). However, such standards focus on engine efficiency rather than the fuel burned. For sustainable aviation fuels, the U.S. continues to rely on voluntary programs at a federal, state, and regional level. The federal Renewable Fuel Standard program allows producers to opt in. In addition, states have started to allow sustainable aviation fuel producers to “opt in” to their programs; this includes California’s Low Carbon Fuel Standard, Oregon’s Clean Fuels Program, and Washington’s newly adopted Clean Fuels Program. Other states are also starting to consider such programs. Elsewhere, states like Hawaii are starting to support SAF production in other ways, including through tax mechanisms. In addition, regional and private efforts to adopt and/or promote sustainable aviation fuels are underway. This piecemeal approach—due in part to the lack of cohesive U.S. federal policy—stands in contrast to the European Union’s Renewable Energy Directive and Emissions Trading System, and adoption of policies by European countries. Because of aviation’s international nature, tracking what is happening in Europe matters greatly for U.S. carriers. As the U.S. works to meet its international obligations through CORSIA, finding a way forward with sustainable aviation fuel in the United States may depend on a more defined federal policy. Actions taken by both the EU and European countries offers some guidance for actions that could be taken by the U.S. Even in the absence of more defined measures, better tracking of voluntary measures is a critical step.

scholarly journals Modern Transatlantic Relations: Key Challenges for US and Russian Interests

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Sergey Rogov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Military Spending ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Economic Support ◽  
The Us ◽  
Economic Contribution ◽  
The Baltic ◽  
The U.S

In his presentation, the speaker focuses on the problems in relations between the United States and its European NATO allies. Firstly, he talks about the withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan, that Sergey M. Rogov considers the first serious defeat of the Western countries since the foundation of NATO. At the same time, he notes the significant military and economic contribution of the U.S. allies to the operation in Afghanistan, and the fact that the US did not take into account the opinion of its allies as well as the issues that may await European countries and the alliance as a whole in this regard. Second, the speaker notes the huge difference in military spending and military capabilities between the United States and the European allies, and concludes that NATO countries will continue to be militarily dependent on the United States. In nuclear sphere, despite the approval of the START III extension by the Biden administration, European countries did not actively resist the collapse of the INF Treaty and the U.S. withdrawal from the Open Skies Treaty. The forthcoming deployment of American missiles in Poland and the Baltic states will further exacerbate of the NATO-Russia crisis. J. Biden's support for the sole purpose concept, which to certain extent implies no first use of nuclear weapons, jeopardizes the U.S. security obligations towards its European allies. Fourth, there is the problem of "new" NATO members, which make minimal contribution to common security, but require economic support and protection from possible Russian aggression. In conclusion, the problem of the U.S.-China confrontation is considered, where the US is actively seeking to involve European countries.

R&D Innovation Strategy for International Cooperation of Science and Technology in Asia

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Donghun Yoon
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Development ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Innovation Strategy ◽  
Asian Region ◽  
Technological Cooperation ◽  
The U.S

Major Asian countries, along with the United States and the European countries, recognize the importance of international cooperation in R&D (research and development). In particular, the U.S. and the European countries recognize the importance of R&D cooperation with Asia, and strive for closer cooperation therewith, especially scientific and technological cooperation. Cooperation in international development and the establishment of networks in the Asian region are crucial to countries' advancement of scientific and technical capabilities. Presented and discussed in this chapter is the R&D innovation strategy for international cooperation in science and technology in Asia. Also presented and discussed are ways of simultaneously satisfying both economic values and the ideal value of the international community's prosperity. It is hoped that this study will contribute greatly to the pursuit of international cooperation in science and technology in Asia.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Puerto Rico ◽  
American Indians ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Mexican War ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

The Spanish language in the United States has a long history. An American Language rediscovers the politics of the Spanish language in the period following the U.S.-Mexican War. The story begins with the United States takeover of Mexican lands that included American Indians and Mexican settlers. The settlers became U.S. citizens at the end of the war through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. These Spanish-speaking Mexican settlers thereafter used the treaty as the arbiter of their citizenship, making them treaty citizens. The United States permitted Spanish to become a language of politics in the Southwest in the nineteenth century. Comparing Spanish as a political language across the Southwest and Puerto Rico provides an opportunity to understand larger shifts in national views of citizenship. Comparing federal, state, territorial, and local approaches to the Spanish language also demonstrates the resilience of Spanishlanguage preferences among residents of the Southwest. Spanish is an American language due to its long history and continuing importance in the nation. Tracing the multilingual history of the nation provides an opportunity to include the United States into larger discussions of how migration changes a nation and how its citizens view language.

POLLUTION RESPONSE DURING NATIONAL SPECIAL SECURITY EVENTS: STRIKING A BALANCE BETWEEN SECURITY AND RESPONSE.

2005 ◽  
Vol 2005 (1) ◽  
pp. 943-948
Author(s):  
Joseph Gleason
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Homeland Security ◽  
The United States ◽  
Lessons Learned ◽  
Coast Guard ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Department Of Homeland Security ◽  
National Convention ◽  
State And Local ◽  
The U.S

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY During the summer of 2004, the First Coast Guard District in Boston, Massachusetts supported both Presidential political nominating conventions for the 2004 election. The Democratic National Convention was held in Boston, Massachusetts on July 26–29, 2004, and the Republican National Convention was held in New York City from August 30th to September 2, 2004. This was the first time both conventions have taken place within the geographic area of responsibility of a single Coast Guard District. The Secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security declared both of these events as National Special Security Events under Presidential Decision Directive 62 (PDD-62). PDD-62 formalized and delineated the roles and responsibilities of federal agencies in the development of security plans for major events. The 2004 Democratic and Republican Conventions were the first political conventions held in the United States since the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. In the months before the Democratic National Convention, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Justice stated that there was credible intelligence from multiple sources indicating that al-Qaeda planned to attempt an attack on the United States during the period leading up to the election. (Joint Statement of Homeland Security Secretary Tom Ridge and Attorney General John Ashcroft on May 28, 2004) The terrorist attacks on the Madrid rail system were a direct attempt by AI Qaeda to influence the elections in Spain, and the U.S. Department of Homeland Security was going to take all appropriate steps to prevent a similar attack in the United States. (Schmidt and Priest, Washington Post May 26, 2004; Page A02) The 2004 Conventions offered a significant challenge for the Coast Guard and other federal, state, and local agencies that had dual responsibility for coordinating security operations while being prepared to respond to a disaster including oil spills and hazardous substance releases—the combination of what was previously designated as crisis and consequence management under PDD-39. This paper will examine lessons learned from planning and operations in support of the conventions. Having served as the First District Project Officer for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions, this paper is written as my observations of the lessons learned and offers some insight into what went well and possible areas for improvement as I observed throughout the more than 18 months of planning for these events of national significance. The Coast Guard planning and operational support for the Democratic and Republican National Conventions demonstrated the importance of a team approach to planning, interagency coordination and partnerships, pre-event preparedness activities, and pre-deploying personnel and resources for response. It is my hope that the observations contained in this paper can benefit federal, state, and local agencies as they prepare for large significant events in the future including National Special Security Events.

United States

2019 ◽  
pp. 463-478
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Kathryn Lee Boyd ◽  
Kristen L. Nelson ◽  
Rajika L. Shah
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Best Practices ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Settlement Agreements ◽  
The U.S

The United States entered World War II on the side of the Allied forces in 1941. While no immovable property located in the United States was confiscated during the war, the United States was involved with armistice agreements and the 1947 Paris Peace Treaties, which included clauses requiring the protection, return, and/or compensation of property. The United States was also involved in bilateral claims settlement agreements with several European countries, to address compensation for confiscated or nationalized property during and after the war. In the 1990s, the United States was a facilitator in large-scale Holocaust restitution. Several lawsuits against sovereigns and private parties involving stolen Jewish property were filed in American courts and continue today. The political branches of the U.S. government were involved in the settlement of Holocaust restitution lawsuits. The United States endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010.

scholarly journals Acts of State, State Immunity, and Judicial Review in the United States

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 205-234
Author(s):  
Zia Akthar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Judicial Review ◽  
Common Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Federal State ◽  
Customary International Law ◽  
State Immunity ◽  
A Company ◽  
The U.S

Abstract The doctrine of the Act of State and State Immunity has its foundation in common law frameworks. It is settled law that there is no cause of action that will make a foreign state liable in the domestic court of another country. In the United States there has been acceptance that certain cases involve “political questions” that are non-justiciable, as they are not a “case or controversy” as required by Article III of the U.S. Constitution. The courts have only intervened either where the federal statutes have applied extraterritorially, such as under the Civil Rights Act 1964 where a U.S. citizen is employed abroad by a company registered in the United States, or under the Alien Tort Claims Act (ATCA) 1789, which protects foreign parties who are designated sufficiently “alien” for the sole purpose of invoking jurisdiction after a civil wrong has been committed against them. There needs to be an evaluation of the U.S. Supreme Court precedents that have asserted judicial oversight in respect of wrongs committed extra-territorially, and their present rationale for retaining the doctrine. This paper also discusses the scope of the Federal State Immunity Act (FSIA) and the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act (JASTA) that narrow the concept of state immunity when dealing with terrorism by another state or its agents. A comparative analysis with the state immunity doctrine in Canada and the framework for litigation under the merits-based approach by the courts is provided. The common law courts have developed the doctrine of the Act of State and it has become a principle of customary international law. The argument of this paper is that there needs to be a greater focus on the civil injuries that are caused in other jurisdictions that should allow the claimants to litigate in the forum court and for judicial review to be available.

Cannabis Revisited

2020 ◽  
pp. 346-362
Author(s):  
Russell Crandall
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Environmental Impact ◽  
Environmental Degradation ◽  
Public Lands ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Land ◽  
Federal State ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Source Countries ◽  
The U.S

This chapter details the launch of the U.S. federal, state, and local anti-drug agencies' two-month effort called Operation Mountain Sweep in late August 2012, which targeted large illegal marijuana cultivations on public land in several Western states. It describes marijuana cultivation on public lands, especially in the American West, that had grown immensely during the previous few years, making aggressive responses from anti-drug elements unsurprising. It also discusses how the United States emerged as one of the largest marijuana producers in the Americas, with Mexico supplying about half of all the cannabis consumed in the United States. The chapter elaborates that concerns about the environmental impact of cannabis cultivation on delicate ecosystems served as a major catalyst for Operation Mountain Sweep. It points out how cultivation-driven environmental degradation in the United States was similar in cocaine source countries, where growers slashed virgin rainforest to make way for coca plantings.

The United States and Neutral Countries in Europe, 1945–1991

2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 208-230
Author(s):  
Mikael Nilsson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The post-Cold War era has led to a proliferation of scholarship on U.S. policy toward four neutral European countries—Austria, Finland, Switzerland, and Sweden—during the Cold War. This article provides a survey of the latest literature on U.S. policy toward these four countries as well as general comments about the U.S. government's approach to European neutrality from 1945 to 1991.

Messprobleme bei der Ermittlung des Wachstums der Arbeitsproduktivität - dargestellt anhand eines Vergleichs der Schweiz mit den USA / Measurement Problems with Respect to Labour Productivity Growth - Illustrated by a Comparison of Switzerland with the United States

2006 ◽  
Vol 226 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jochen Hartwig
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Growth Rate ◽  
Productivity Growth ◽  
Labour Productivity ◽  
Value Added ◽  
The United States ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Wide Margin ◽  
Labour Productivity Growth ◽  
The U.S

SummaryThe paper shows that the assessment of the speed of productivity growth crucially depends on how one chooses to measure value added. According to a widely held view, the growth rate of labour productivity has increased significantly in the U.S. since the mid-90s. The U.S. is perceived to outperform most European countries in this respect by a wide margin. Comparing the U.S. with Switzerland, we show this view to rely - at least in part - on statistical artefacts.

An American Language

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosina Lozano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish Language ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Language Recognition ◽  
Political Language ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
History Of ◽  
The U.S

An American Language is a political history of the Spanish language in the United States. The nation has always been multilingual and the Spanish language in particular has remained as an important political issue into the present. After the U.S.-Mexican War, the Spanish language became a language of politics as Spanish speakers in the U.S. Southwest used it to build territorial and state governments. In the twentieth century, Spanish became a political language where speakers and those opposed to its use clashed over what Spanish's presence in the United States meant. This book recovers this story by using evidence that includes Spanish language newspapers, letters, state and territorial session laws, and federal archives to profile the struggle and resilience of Spanish speakers who advocated for their language rights as U.S. citizens. Comparing Spanish as a language of politics and as a political language across the Southwest and noncontiguous territories provides an opportunity to measure shifts in allegiance to the nation and exposes differing forms of nationalism. Language concessions and continued use of Spanish is a measure of power. Official language recognition by federal or state officials validates Spanish speakers' claims to US citizenship. The long history of policies relating to language in the United States provides a way to measure how U.S. visions of itself have shifted due to continuous migration from Latin America. Spanish-speaking U.S. citizens are crucial arbiters of Spanish language politics and their successes have broader implications on national policy and our understanding of Americans.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document