First Contact, March–May 1864

2020 ◽  
pp. 247-270
Author(s):  
Brian Holden Reid
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Operational Level ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Contact ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

This chapter details how the year 1864 allowed William T. Sherman to operate for the first time not as a subordinate commander but as director of a series of armies in the field. His contribution to overall Union strategy would be significant and thus he began to exercise command at the level military analysts currently refer to as the operational level of war. Such a level links tactics and methods of fighting with strategy, in the overall scheme. It defines the manner in which armies organize in discrete campaigns and seek to fulfill the object of strategy by winning victories. Sherman’s performance overall needs to be considered by taking all aspects into account. As he began to work at the higher levels of the military art, he began to change the way in which people think and talk about war, and he propounded an individual philosophy of war. The higher he progressed, the more Sherman could not avoid confronting the harsh realities of political life, for his campaigns increasingly had an impact not just on American political discourse but indeed in 1864 on the outcome of the presidential election. Sherman expressed clear-cut political views and expounded them perhaps too forcefully. This complex mix worked as a catalyst in developing his ideas about war and his ability to put them into practice.

F. D. Kryukov - Teacher, Public Figure, Writer. Evolution of Political Views

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-71
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Kislitsyn ◽  
Inna G. Kislitsyna
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The People ◽  
State Education ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Childhood And Youth ◽  
The First World War ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The article analyzes the socio-political activities of the writer F. Kryukov and the evolution of his views. While working as a history and geography teacher, he sharply criticized and publicly evaluated the capabilities of the state education system. During the 1905 revolution, he was a Deputy of the 1st State Duma, the founder of the party of People's Socialism, and opposed the participation of the Cossacks in suppressing the revolution. During the Stolypin reaction, he published his stories about the Cossacks in the neonational magazine “Russian Wealthˮ and was criticized by V. I. Lenin. During the First world war, Kryukov acted as a supporter of “war to the bitter endˮ and became a supporter of conservative political views. After February, he re-entered political life. In April 1917, he was a delegate to the Military Congress in Novocherkassk and a candidate for the Constituent Assembly from the Don Army. Kryukov did not accept the October revolution and the idea of social equality and categorically condemned it. He became a Deputy and Secretary of the Military Circle and editor of the newspaper “Don Statementsˮ, where he published more than 30 articles and essays about the White Movement and the Cossacks. His journalism of the period demonstrated the ultra-pedigree position of the representative of the vendean part of the Cossacks. Kryukov became a counterrevolutionary, abandoning the people's socialist ideals. This transformation of worldview values was logical, since it was based on the Cossack self-consciousness and self-perception laid down from childhood and youth. At every stage of evolution as a politician, Kryukov was a prominent figure in public life, which makes him one of the most prominent figures of the Don land.

The Role of Public Opinion in the “Jackson Era” in the USA

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Татьяна Алентьева ◽  
Tat'yana Alent'eva
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political History ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The South ◽  
The North ◽  
The Usa ◽  
First Time

The monograph first explores American public opinion as the most important factor in social and political life in the "Jackson era." Of particular value is the study of the struggle of opinions within the bipartisan system, both in the South and in the North. Against the background of a broad canvas of socio-economic and political history, the first analysis of the state and development of public opinion in the USA is given, successively from the presidential election of 1824 to the defeat of the Democrats in the presidential election of 1840, when their opponents, the Whigs, came to power for the first time.

What Elements Belong in Group 3 of the Periodic Table?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric R. Scerri ◽  
William Parsons
Keyword(s):  
Ionization Energy ◽  
Periodic Table ◽  
Considerable Importance ◽  
Clear Cut ◽  
Interesting Article ◽  
Mistaken Belief ◽  
Science News ◽  
Group 3 ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

The question of precisely which elements should be placed in group 3 of the periodic table has been debated from time to time with apparently no resolution. This question has also received a recent impetus from several science news articles following an article in Nature Magazine in which the measurement of the ionization energy of the element lawrencium was reported for the first time. We believe that this question is of considerable importance for chemists and physicists as well as students of these subjects. It is our experience that students are typically puzzled by the fact that published periodic tables show variation in the way that group 3 is displayed. Instructors typically cannot answer questions that students may have on this matter. The aim of this chapter is to make a clear-cut recommendation regarding the membership of group 3, which we believe should consist of the elements scandium, yttrium, lutetium, and lawrencium. Although the arguments in favor of replacing lanthanum and actinium by lutetium and lawrencium are rather persuasive there is a popular and mistaken belief that IUPAC supports the traditional periodic table with lanthanum and actinium in group 3. This view has been disputed by Jeffrey Leigh in an interesting article in which he made it clear that IUPAC has not traditionally taken a view as to the correctness of any version of the periodic table and that there is no such thing as an officially approved IUPAC periodic table. We will briefly review the previous arguments that have been provided in favor of moving lutetium and lawrencium into group 3 of the periodic table in place of lanthanum and actinium. We will then reiterate what we take to be a categorical argument in favor of this placement and will discuss any remaining issues. When added to other arguments made over more than 50 years it becomes clear that the time may have arrived for IUPAC to make a ruling on this question.

Queue the Music: Cohan's Yellowface Substitution in Little Johnny Jones

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-220
Author(s):  
Brynn Shiovitz
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Broadway Musical ◽  
Recent Success ◽  
Political Views ◽  
William Mckinley ◽  
First Time

It is 7 November 1904, 7:55 p.m. New York City theatregoers anxiously await the opening of George M. Cohan's newest production, Little Johnny Jones. The house is just about filled, but the well-dressed ushers hustle a few stragglers to their seats. Some of the theatre's usual patrons have been held up late at work, while others are too consumed by Clifford Berryman's political cartoons in the Washington Star to attend the performance. This particular Monday evening marks an important moment for America: polls for the thirtieth presidential election will be opening in fewer than twelve hours. Theodore Roosevelt represents the Republican Party, and Alton B. Parker heads the Democratic ticket. Although results will not be known for sure until the close of the 8 November election, Roosevelt's recent success in office upon the assassination of William McKinley gives him a political boost. New York City's predominantly Republican values leave little doubt about which name a majority of tonight's audience will be checking off on the ballot come morning; Roosevelt has carried every region but the South in his campaigning efforts thus far. Nonetheless, Broadway occasionally attracts a few guests from the slightly less liberal states of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and this evening's house is no different; the Liberty Theatre is filled with men of opposing political views. A nervous excitement fills the room; a combination of political gossip, predictions about how Cohan's first Broadway musical will compare to his earlier comedic works and vaudeville skits, and occasional gasps and awestruck sighs from spectators who are seeing the inside of the Liberty Theatre for the first time since its very recent grand opening at 234 West 42nd Street. The twenty-thousand-square-foot theatre, with its dramatic stage, extensive balconies, and striking cathedrallike ceilings is the perfect home for the unfolding of Broadway, a theatrical form and style that America will come to call its own. As the house lights dim and the violins hum a piercing A note, other members of the orchestra slowly begin tuning their individual instruments. As the oboists finish adjusting their pitch, the conductor taps his music stand: musicians tilt their gaze to the front of the pit, audience members sink into the velvet of their plush seats and begin to quiet their chatter. Blackout.

scholarly journals On the origins and specificity of one motive. To the 110TH anniversary of the publication of V.V. Rozanov’s «When the boss are gone...»

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-82
Author(s):  
I.A. Yedoshina
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Compositional Structure ◽  
Internal Dialogue ◽  
Government Power ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Subject ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Relationship

For the first time, the book by V. V. Rozanov «When the Bosses Are Gone ...» (1910) is the subject to analyze. The article notes the specificity of the book (a collection of articles), which received a genre status in the Russian culture of the late 19th and early 20th centuries: the book contains both previously published articles and the ones, which were rejected by editors. In addition to the genre affiliation, other features of this book are revealed; the article summarizes and defines the development of the author’s political views on contemporary events in the country, which he welcomed and encouraged in his literary word; Rozanov’s historiosophy is analyzed. The author of the article commented on the compositional structure of the collection, revealed the semantic links between the articles, as well as the basis that unites them – the essence of «authorities» as a specific phenomenon of Russian life. The synonymous series of «bosses» is suggested: «bureaucracy», «government», «power». The article identifies the sources of the problems of the «bosses»: these are the works of N.A. Lyubimov and Vl.S. Soloviev, with which V.V. Rozanov conducts internal dialogue, representing the «bosses» as a part of the political life in the country of 1901 1906 and noting the weakening of the authoritarian position. The book’s artistic layout is analyzed, the sources of replica drawings on the cover and at the end of the collection are established, and the relationship between these drawings and the book’s content is revealed. It is particularly noted that already in 1914 V.V. Rozanov felt remorse about the publication of this book, and in 1917 he came to realize the catastrophic consequences of the events that he had once been so happy about.

scholarly journals Ah, the Roads! Or how Demagogic Ideologemes Work

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
L. A. Agrba
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Performance Error ◽  
Political Linguistics ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Military ◽  
First Time ◽  
Over Time

This article is an attempt to show how the means of manipulative construction of political reality work on a single example of ideological concept of “road protection”, used a quarter of a century ago by the Georgian authorities as a pretext for a military invasion of Abkhazia. The study revealed that such ideologemes initiate a certain socio-behavioral reflection and allow the aggressor country, under the guise of pseudo-human goals, to carry out both “soft” (humanitarian) and direct (military) expansion. The concept of ideology has acquired special significance for modern political linguistics, and today, in the era of hybrid wars, its analysis and study are more relevant than ever. The aim of the study is to analyze the ideology of “road protection” which highlights the manipulative conceptual features and to prove its demagogic nature. To achieve this goal, we will turn to the events of August 1992 and try to understand the symbolic and ideological concept of “road protection”, used as a lingua-pragmatic background of expansion. The goal is to understand how to use ideological cliches in the minds of the implemented setup, and create unnecessary political mood which enabled the Georgian authorities to implement, not condemned by the international community, the military invasion of the territory of Abkhazia. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time it introduces and actualizes the concept of demagogic ideology. We define demagogic ideology as a populist-propaganda stamp, manifested itself in a certain historical period as a reality, and characterized by imperativeness and, most importantly, simulativeness. Such ideological cliches are thrown in political discourse with the aim to lull the vigilance and urging them on to obviously incorrect conclusions. Over time, however, demagogic ideologies lose their importance and are perceived as not justified expectations of performance, error, not relevant axiological dominant members of a particular culture. In our work we adhered to the following methods of research: linguoideological – to interpret the content of corresponding ideologies; linguistic and semiotic – with the aim of realizing the symbolic mechanisms used for the influence and formation of the corresponding reactions in the consciousness of the masses; and linguocultural – to identify the causes of certain ideological concepts effectiveness.

scholarly journals The idea of creating a national armed forces in the socio-political discourse of the Ukrainian SSR in the 80s–90s of the 20th century

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 49-58
Author(s):  
Andriy Tkachuk
Keyword(s):  
Military Service ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Development ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the process of initiation and implementation of the idea of creating the Armed Forces of Ukraine in the social and political discourse of the USSR in the late 1980s – early 1990s. The positions of key pro-Ukrainian public associations and movements, their programs, and statements concerning the "Ukrainianization" of the military forces that were located in the USSR are explored. An estimation of the position of these forces on public policy in the military sphere is given. It has been found out that the majority of the public associations and movements created under the conditions of "restructuring" insisted on the need for de-ideologization and demilitarization of social and political life. In most cases, members of such organizations required on the need to form military units based on the existing USSR armed forces exclusively from residents of the republic, who would report directly to the leadership of the USSR. Besides, the demand for military service by USSR citizens only within the republic remained one of the principal in the speech of Ukrainian associations and movements. The main proposals for possible reform of the military sphere on the territory of the republic are outlined. The author points out that among the Ukrainian intelligentsia, there were different visions regarding the ways of creating such forces. One part insisted on the creation of armed forces subordinated to the government based on and in the composition of the armed forces of the USSR. The other required a complete reboot of the military sphere, the introduction of a new approach to the army formation, and, ultimately, the creation of an army of an independent Ukraine. Much attention is given to the youth’s opinion about the ideologization and militarization of the Soviet high school. Representatives of the student youth were much more active than other social groups, expressing their dissatisfaction with the current situation, which resulted in spontaneous protests against the authorities. It was concluded that, at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, the issue of military development was one of the key issues in the activities of Ukrainian unions, movements, and the first political parties. The members of these organizations were aware of the need to create an armed force in Ukraine that could counteract potential threats to state sovereignty. Such policies have resulted in numerous political actions, strikes, and demonstrations, which have been used as a mechanism to put pressure on the authorities to achieve individual political goals. In the end, under public pressure, as well as in the context of disintegration processes in the USSR, these requirements were fulfilled, which created the necessary basis for the creation of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

THE 2020 U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, TRUMPISM AND THE ROOTS OF NEGATIVE DISTRUST

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-79
Author(s):  
Erik Alfred Olsen ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
The United States ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Negative Campaigning ◽  
Election Process ◽  
First Time ◽  
The U.S

This article explores the role of negative distrust as applied to the 2020 U.S. presidential election focusing specifically on the campaign and sup- porters of President Donald J. Trump. I survey negative campaigning rhetoric, the enlistment of far-right militant groups to his cause and the general political discourse of the Trump campaign and its allies and how these elements created a dangerous environment within the United States leading to the 6 January attack on the U.S. Capitol. Furthermore, I examine how the sowing of con - spiracy theories, fear and disinformation had led directly to a degradation of the presidential election process and for the first time in U.S. history, there was not a safe and smooth transfer of power from one presidential administration to another. Finally, I conclude how the active employment of negative distrust amongst the electorate contributes to political and national instability that threatens not merely constitutional crisis, but the invalidation of the electoral process in the United States in general.

scholarly journals PRIMEIRO CONSUMO DE ÁLCOOL ENTRE ESCOLARES DA PERIFERIA DE SÃO PAULO: FREQUÊNCIA E FORMA DE INTRODUÇÃO

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Nolli Bittencourt ◽  
José Luis Da Cunha Pena ◽  
Divane De Vargas ◽  
Camila Rodrigues Barbosa ◽  
Mariana Vasconcelos Alberti ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Alcohol Consumption ◽  
Sao Paulo ◽  
Positive Answer ◽  
Alcoholic Beverages ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
First Contact ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

Objetivo: Identificar a frequência de crianças de escola da periferia de São Paulo que já consumiram bebida alcoólica, e a forma de introdução. Metodologia: Estudo realizado com 201 crianças de 6 a 12 anos de uma escola da periferia de São Paulo. Foi pedido que respondessem à afirmação “Tomo bebida alcóolica”. Em caso de resposta positiva, perguntou-se: onde, quando e por quem a bebida foi introduzida pela primeira vez. Resultados: 9,0% já haviam consumido bebida alcoólica alguma vez na vida. Dentre essas, 52,9% referiram que algum familiar, os pais em maioria, a ofereceu pela primeira vez. 23,5% relataram terem feito o primeiro uso escondido dos pais, e sozinhos. Conclusão: Há uma convergência de que o primeiro contato ocorreu na casa de familiares, durante algum tipo de festa. O consumo de bebidas alcoólicas em situações festivas é algo presente em muitas famílias brasileiras, expondo as crianças precocemente ao contato com essa bebida.Descritores: Álcool; Criança; Família.FIRST ALCOHOL CONSUMPTION BETWEEN SCHOOLS OF THE PERIPHERY OF SÃO PAULO: FREQUENCY AND FORM OF INTRODUCTIONObjective: Identify the frequency of children from a school of the outskirts of São Paulo who have already consumed alcohol, and the way of introduction. Methodology: This study was carried out with 201 children aged 6 to 12 from a school in the outskirts of São Paulo. They were asked to respond to the statement “I drink alcohol”. In the case of a positive answer, the researcher asked: where, when and by whom the drink was first introduced.. Results: 9.0% had ever consumed alcoholic beverages in their lifetime. Of these, 52.9% reported that a relative, mostly the parents, offered it for the first time; 23.5% reported having made their first use hide from parents, and alone. Conclusion: There is a convergence of the first contact occurred in the home of relatives during some kind of party. The consumption of alcoholic beverages in festive situations is something present in many Brazilian families, exposing them early to contact with this drink.Descriptors: Alcohol; Child; FamilyPRIMER CONSUMO DE ALCOHOL ENTRE ESCOLARES DE LA PERIFERÍA DE SÃO PAULO: FRECUENCIA Y FORMA DE INTRODUCCIÓNObjetivo: Identificar la frecuencia de niños de escuela de la periferia de São Paulo que ya consumieron bebida alcohólica, y la forma de introducción. Metodología: Estudio realizado con 201 niños de 6 a 12 años de una escuela de la periferia de São Paulo. Se le pidió que respondieran a la afirmación “Tomo bebida alcohólica”. En caso de respuesta positiva, se preguntó: donde, cuando y por quien la bebida fue introducida por primera vez. Resultados: 9,0% ya habían consumido una bebida alcohólica alguna vez en la vida. Entre ellas, 52,9% mencionó que algún familiar, en su mayoría los padres, lo ofreció por primera vez. 23,5% relató haber hecho el primer uso escondido de los padres y solos. Conclusión: Hay una convergencia de que el primer contacto se dio en la casa de familiares, durante algún tipo de fiesta. El consumo de bebidas alcohólicas en situaciones festivas es algo presente en muchas familias brasileñas, exponiéndolas precozmente al contacto con esa bebida.Descriptores: Alcohol; Niños; Familia

If Looks Could Kill

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 81-84
Author(s):  
Karen Chan
Keyword(s):  
Skin Color ◽  
Daily Rhythm ◽  
Significant Rate ◽  
Chinese Canadian ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Way

For me, rhythm means having consistency. The piece highlights my own experience with the disruption of my daily rhythm due to COVID-19. The first half shows my routine and interactions prior to COVID-19 while the second half shows my experiences in the present day. Prior to the virus, I had a day to day routine that was filled with noise. Everyday moved quickly and I established a daily rhythm. However, when COVID-19 spread, it changed everything. I felt like I didn’t have a routine anymore because I wasn’t allowed to go anywhere. Time was moving much slower and worst of all, xenophobia was growing at a significant rate. As a Chinese Canadian, this was the first time I truly felt the weight of the color of my skin. COVID-19 changed the way that I consistently assumed that the color of my skin wasn’t something that strangers would significantly care about. However, as I got on a bus, I unintentionally scared a woman simply because of my skin color. From that point, I knew that xenophobia would affect the way people perceived me everyday. The woman was scared of the virus— which in turn was scared of me—and I was scared that she would thwart her anger towards me because I am Chinese. If looks could kill, then the woman and I ironically both feared each other. Now, due to COVID-19, I am adapting to a new routine. A routine where the color of skin rings louder than any other sound.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document