scholarly journals Democratically Sustainable Local Development? The Outcomes of Mixed Deliberation on a Municipal Merger on Participants’ Social Trust, Political Trust, and Political Efficacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (13) ◽  
pp. 7231
Author(s):  
Kim Strandberg ◽  
Kim Backström ◽  
Janne Berg ◽  
Thomas Karv

Municipal mergers are typically contentious and polarizing issues among both citizens and politicians. In deciding on these, municipal-level referendums are often commissioned by municipal councils. Referendums, though, are also per se polarizing processes that only exacerbate an already polarizing issue. Adding deliberation to referendum processes has been shown in previous studies to be a more democratically sustainable process than mere referendums. In this study, we explore the use of mixed deliberation between citizens and politicians within a municipal merger process in the municipality of Korsholm in Finland, one year before a referendum on the issue occurred. The deliberations were two-hour sessions in February 2018, with local politicians present in each discussion group. Using pre- and post-deliberation surveys, we trace how citizens (n = 117) engaging in deliberation developed their social trust, political trust, and political efficacy during deliberation. Generally, we expected that all of these would be strengthened in deliberation. The results, however, reveal only a few statistically significant effects, some of which ran contrary to expectations.

1989 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 241-244
Author(s):  
P. Lemoine

SummaryIt is difficult to undertake field studies with non marketed psychotropic drugs because of two apparently contradictory conditions : on the one hand, the methodology has to be rigorously controlled, and on the other hand, such studies have to be carried out in their future environment by general practitioners (GPs). Bearing in mind the lack of training and experience regarding this kind of approach, the author adopted a discussion group method according to the techniques developed by M. Balint. The study group comprised five GPs, a clinical pharmacology expert and a doctor from the pharmaceutical laboratory which had developed the test drug. These persons met on a monthly basis over a one year period. In the present paper, the author indicates the benefits of such a methodology, based on six years’ experience and several trials, with special emphasis placed on the pedagogical aspects.


SERIEs ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Ángel Borrella-Mas ◽  
Martin Rode

AbstractEver since the spectacular boom and bust cycle of the Spanish real estate industry, endemic corruption at the local level has become a widely recognized problem in the national public discourse. In an effort to expose an under-explored political determinant, this paper investigates the effect of local and regional alignment in fomenting corruption at the Spanish municipal level. To do so, we construct an ample panel dataset on the prevalence of corrupt practices by local politicians, which is employed to test the possible impact of partisan alignment in three consecutive joint municipal and regional elections. Findings show aligned municipalities to be more corrupt than non-aligned ones, an effect that is further associated with absolute majorities at both levels of government and higher capital transfers. By contrast, we also show that “throwing the rascals out” could be an effective strategy for curbing the corrupt practices of aligned municipalities. This indicates that the democratic political process may be effective in corruption control if agreements can be reached to remove corrupt politicians or parties from power.


1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Searing ◽  
Gerald Wright ◽  
George Rabinowitz

The ‘primacy principle’ comprises three assumptions about political orientations. The first is that they are learned during childhood. The second is that this childhood learning further shapes any subsequent modifications of them. The third is that the scale of any such subsequent modifications is small: fundamental political orientations tend to endure through life. We propose, using cohort analysis, to examine the extent to which three political orientations – party identification, political efficacy and political trust – do, as a matter of fact, endure through adulthood.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 410-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
EUNJUNG CHOI ◽  
JONGSEOK WOO

AbstractWhile the importance of social and political trust has been well documented, there is a lack of scholarly consensus over where trust originates. This article tests three theoretical arguments – social-psychological, social-cultural, and political institutional – on the origin of political trust against three East Asian democracies (Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan). The empirical analysis from the AsiaBarometer survey illustrates that political institutional theory best explains the origin of political trust in East Asian cases. Citizens of these East Asian democracies have a high level of political trust when they believe that their governments perform well in management of the national economy and political representation of elected officials. Meanwhile, social-psychological and social-cultural theories explain the origins of social trust, but not political trust. The evidence reveals that socially trusting people are not automatically politically trusting; social trust and political trust originate from different sources and do not transform from one to the other.


1991 ◽  
Vol 85 (4) ◽  
pp. 1407-1413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Stephen C. Craig ◽  
Franco Mattei

Political efficacy has been studied extensively since the 1950s, hut analysts have never been fully satisfied with its measurement. After considerable testing, four new questions tapping internal political efficacy were added to the 1988 National Election Study. Our investigation shows that inter-item correlations among these questions indicate high internal consistency, that by both exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis the items measure a single concept distinct from external efficacy and political trust, that the measurement model is robust across major subgroups, and that the overall scale is externally valid and provides a good distribution of efficacy scores across the population. Further, the results of an order experiment in the survey suggest that responses are unaffected by mode of presentation. In short, the four new questions constitute the most satisfactory measure of internal political efficacy to date.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isak Vento

How does emigrating affect one's political trust for their native country's political and state institutions? This question is increasingly relevant as a result of growing migration in the wake of globalization and the willingness to widen electoral laws and channels for participation to also include emigrated citizens in homeland politics. Despite the research conducted on homeland politics and voting from abroad in political science, the question of homeland political trust among emigrants has not been given sufficient attention. This could be seen as surprising from the perspective of trust research, which has exhaustively analyzed political and social trust. This paper seeks to map the effect of migration on political trust by comparing the trust in Finnish political and state institutions of emigrated Swedish-speaking Finns, also known as Finland-Swedes, and Finland-Swedes living in Finland. The Finland-Swedes are a resourceful minority with a sizeable diaspora, which in relative terms is comparable to nations with a renowned diaspora. The paper analyzes the political trust of migrants and residents with two high quality random surveys and using two methods, linear regression and propensity score matching, with analysis of average treatment effects to counter potential endogeneity of political trust and migrating citizens. The analyses show emigrants have on average significantly higher homeland political trust. Comparing the linear regression analysis and the average treatment effects after matching we get similar results, although the linear regression analysis that controls for potentially endogenous factors seems to somewhat exaggerate the effect of migration.


Intersections ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
István Grajczjár ◽  
Zsofia Nagy ◽  
Antal Örkény

The aim of this paper is to map and contrast recent developments in attitudes towards different types of solidarity in Austria and Hungary. The context of the paper is that the economic and the so-called ‘refugee’ crisis and its social and political consequences have fundamentally affected European attitudes towards solidarity. Such times of crisis are often seen as providing ample opportunities for the populist radical right to prosper. Nevertheless, the above developments do not necessarily mean a weakening of solidarity as its forms may change and its meanings become contested. Based on a comparison of Austrian and Hungarian results of the ESS round 8 (2016) the article – with the help of k-means cluster and multinomial logistic regression analyses – examines what solidarity positions can be observed and contrasted and how they may be linked step-by-step to 1) objective socio-demographic variables, 2) subjective perceptions at the micro-level (like social trust, well-being, and feelings of insecurity), 3) subjective perceptions at the macro-level (like institutional and political trust, attachment to country and the EU), moreover 4) to different values and attitudes like xenophobia, homophobia, conformism or statism on the one hand, and, 5) to political orientations and voting intentions on the other.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Restiani Fauzie

Sikap terhadap perilaku tidak memilih, norma subjektif, perceived behavioral control (PBC), internal political efficacy, eksternal political efficacy, political trust, altruisme, kepuasan hidup, usia, pendidikan, pekerjaan dan gender digunakan sebagai determinan dari perilaku tidak memilih pada pemilihan gubernur. Sampel penelitian ini ialah 337 orang yang berdomisili di kecamatan Gunung Sindur Bogor. Semakin tinggi sikap dan kepuasan hidup seseorang semakin besar peluangnya untuk tidak ikut memilih pada pemilihan gubernur, semakin rendah internal political efficacy dan political trust maka peluang untuk tidak ikut memilih menjadi tinggi. Pelajar memiliki peluang yang lebih besar untuk tidak ikut memilih dibandingkan dengan wiraswasta. Dan laki-laki memiliki peluang lebih besar untuk tidak ikut memilih pada pilgub dibandingkan dengan perempuan.


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