The Primacy Principle: Attitude Change and Political Socialization

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Searing ◽  
Gerald Wright ◽  
George Rabinowitz
Keyword(s):  
Attitude Change ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Cohort Analysis ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Orientations

The ‘primacy principle’ comprises three assumptions about political orientations. The first is that they are learned during childhood. The second is that this childhood learning further shapes any subsequent modifications of them. The third is that the scale of any such subsequent modifications is small: fundamental political orientations tend to endure through life. We propose, using cohort analysis, to examine the extent to which three political orientations – party identification, political efficacy and political trust – do, as a matter of fact, endure through adulthood.

Effects of Identification with Governing Parties on Feelings of Political Efficacy and Trust

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 705-728 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay
Keyword(s):  
Party Identification ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Political Efficacy ◽  
Perceived Responsiveness ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Dependent Variables ◽  
System Responsiveness ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe authors tested predictions concerning the effects of respondents' identification with governing versus opposition political parties on feelings of political efficacy and trust, using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Dependent variables were political competence, perceived system responsiveness, and political trust, each measured federally and provincially. Respondents who supported the party in power scored significantly higher on perceived responsiveness and trust than those who supported opposition parties, although mainly at the provincial level. Whether respondents' preferred party was in power or not interacted with strength of party identification on the responsiveness and trust measures, both federally and provincially, as expected. Effects were much less pronounced for feelings of political competence. The authors suggest an interpretation to explain the weaker and inconsistent federal results. The article concludes with some observations concerning the relationship between partisanship, on the one hand, and efficacy and trust, on the other.

News use and political socialization among young Jordanians

2011 ◽  
Vol 73 (8) ◽  
pp. 706-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justin D Martin
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Text Messaging ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Tv News ◽  
The Us ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Current Events ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
News Use

This study examined the relationship between young Jordanians' ( N = 321) news use and their feelings toward the Jordanian and US governments. Consumption of traditional news delivery formats (such as print newspapers, radio broadcasts and interpersonal sources) was measured, as was reliance on new media formats such as blogs, text messaging and podcasting. Political socialization measures were indices of political trust and appraisals of the US government. Results suggest that young Jordanians in the sample rely mostly on TV news, newspapers and interpersonal contacts for current events information, and that TV news use and reliance on interpersonal sources were associated with negative views of the US government.

scholarly journals Mind This Gap, Too: Political Orientations of People with Disabilities in Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 791-818 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefanie Reher
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Social Contact ◽  
People With Disabilities ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
European Social Survey ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Contributing Factors ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Political Inequality ◽  
Political Orientations

Abstract People with disabilities constitute one of the largest minority groups in Europe, and yet our knowledge about how they relate to the political system remains limited. In addition to facing practical barriers such as inaccessible campaign material and polling stations, they often have fewer resources that facilitate and promote confidence and engagement in politics. Moreover, experiences of discrimination and low numbers of politicians with disabilities can generate feelings of disempowerment. Using European Social Survey data from 30 countries from 2002 to 2015, this study shows that people with disabilities have lower levels of internal and external efficacy, political trust and interest, and electoral participation. The disparities in internal efficacy and political interest disappear when accounting for education, income, employment, and social contact. Meanwhile, significant gaps in external efficacy, political trust, and turnout remain to be explained. Perceptions of discrimination strengthen the internal efficacy and political interest of citizens with disabilities but further decrease their external efficacy, political trust, and turnout. The study sheds light on a frequently overlooked dimension of political inequality, provides insights on several contributing factors, and highlights where further research is needed.

Effects of Cognitive Load and Game Involvement on Affective Responses in Branded Entertainment

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Ayşegül Sağkaya Güngör ◽  
Tuğce Ozansoy Çadırcı
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Load ◽  
Attitude Change ◽  
Affective Responses ◽  
The Third ◽  
Attitude Difference ◽  
Different Levels

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of cognitive load and game involvement on consumers' affective responses while comparing single and multi-brand settings in advergames. An experiment was conducted to study the differences between single and multi-brand settings at different levels of cognitive load, with the interaction of game involvement. Results showed that although there was no significant attitude difference towards single and multi-brand settings in advergames, the players' attitude towards the main brand is more positive in a single brand setting. Second, different levels of cognitive load affect attitude towards the main brand both in single and multi-brand settings, but the attitude change is observed only in single brand setting at high cognitive load. The results of the third analysis yielded that game involvement along with high cognitive load affects all attitudes positively.

scholarly journals Temporal dynamics of political trust in China: A cohort analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiebing Wu ◽  
Yong Li ◽  
Chengcheng Song
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Temporal Dynamics ◽  
Cohort Analysis ◽  
General Social Survey ◽  
Cohort Effect ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Chinese General Social Survey ◽  
New Generation

This article focuses on the changing trends in political trust in China. Based on data drawn from the Asian Barometer Survey for 2002, 2008, and 2011, as well as the Chinese General Social Survey for 2010 and 2012, we find a declining trend in the level of political trust in China, whether it be trust in the central government, trust in the local government, or the central–local government trust gap. Additionally, the results of our analysis show a strong cohort effect on the erosion of political trust. This study provides solid empirical evidence of declining political trust in China and increases our understanding of the changing dynamics of political trust. By analysing changes in citizens’ values and in the political expectations of the new generation, this article sheds light on the antecedents of political trust in China, which is gradually changing across different generations.

Political Socialization in the South American Middle Class

1968 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Stinchcombe
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Socialization ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Social Causation ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Third ◽  
Political Events ◽  
And Migration

Political socialization may be thought of as having three aspects: the degree to which people interpret the conditions of their milieu in terms of distant political processes, the ideas of social causation with which they interpret such distant processes, and the interpretation of specific political events and structures of their country. This paper attempts to show that the first is determined mainly by men's educational and migration biography, the second mainly by men's occupational experience, and the third mainly by the history and structure of the political system men live under. The data come from a study of the contrasts between industrial bureaucrats and the traditional middle classes in steel cities in three South American countries, Chile, Argentina, and Venezuela.

Pentecostalism and Democracy in Nigeria

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 38-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Burgess
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Rule ◽  
The Third ◽  
Religious Competition ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Common Observation

This article examines the political dimensions of Pentecostalism in Nigeria, beginning with the historical development of Pentecostal political engagement since independence in 1960. A common observation is that much of global Pentecostalism is apolitical, but an assessment of Nigerian Pentecostalism shows a diversity of political orientations in response to inter-religious competition, as well as changing socio-economic contexts and theological orientations. Herein, I focus on the “third democratic revolution” involving the struggle for sustainable democracy (the first two being the anti-colonial struggle that brought independence and the 1980s-1990s challenge to one-party and military rule). As well, I examine different political strategies employed by Nigerian Pentecostals and assess their impact on direct political behavior, civil society practices and political culture.

In Search of Left/Right Beliefs in the Canadian Electorate

1986 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
James E. Curtis ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay
Keyword(s):  
Rating Scale ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Criterion Group ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Political Orientations ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractWe report on findings from alternative ways of assessing the meaning given to “left” and “right” by respondents in the 1984 National Election Study. Approximately 40 per cent of the sample supplied definitions of the concepts; in comparison, about 60 per cent stated their feelings toward left-wingers and right-wingers and described their political orientations using a seven-point left/right rating scale. Left signified socialism or communism for about one-half of those who supplied definitions, and dislike for left-wingers seemed to be associated with these conceptions of left. Right, which was much more highly regarded than left, signified conservatism for one-quarter of those who defined the term. We also factor analyzed respondents' self-ratings on the left/right scale along with their answers to 15 attitude statements. Left was weakly associated with support for labour's use of the strike weapon. In a criterion group of respondents who had completed university and who had ventured definitions of left and right, self-ratings correlated with factors tapping attitudes toward the military and toward economic disparity and social welfare. As expected, respondents' ratings of themselves on the left/right scale were more similar to their ratings of their preferred parties than to their ratings of other parties. The relationship between self-ratings and ratings of preferred parties generally varied directly with the strength of party identification. We conclude with some observations about the political utility of political labels such as left and right.

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