scholarly journals Elaboration of moral mattes questionnaire

Author(s):  
Oleg A. Sychyov ◽  
Irina N. Protasova ◽  
Igor' V. Anoshkin

The article presents the preliminary results of elabouration of moral mattes questionnaire aimed at assessment of sensitivity to violation of moral norms such as ban of harm, distributive justice, egalitarian justice, loyalty, hierarchy, purity and sanctity. Confirmation of the theoretical factor structure was demonstrated in the sample of 529 students. Using the moral foundation questionnaire (MFQ) we obtained data on validity of the scales which indicate on similarity but not equivalence of the constructs used in these questionnaires. We discovered that the evaluation of violation of the hierarchy and purity norms is more severe in elder people, and women give more strict evaluation of violation of the purity norms while men are stricter at estimating of violation of loyalty and distributive justice norms.

1994 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin M. Macleod

The perfectly competitive market of economic theory often enters political philosophy because it can be represented as illuminating important values. Theorists who are enthusiastic about the heuristic potential of the market claim that we can learn much about individual liberty, the promotion of mutual advantage and efficiency in the distribution of goods by studying it. However, a principal limitation of the market for many theorists is its supposed insensitivity to the demands of egalitarian justice. According to the standard charge, markets—even idealised ones—are hostile to the achievement and maintenance of an equitable distribution of resources. It is striking, then, that a leading exponent of egalitarian justice like Ronald Dworkin should argue that there are very deep and systematic links between equality and the market. He contends that, contrary to the received view, “the best theory of equality supposes some actual or hypothetical market in justifying a particular distribution of goods and opportunities.” Moreover, the articulation of Dworkin’s influential egalitarian account of liberal political morality depends on acceptance of the market as an ally of equality. Thus Dworkin claims not only that the market plays a crucial role in the elaboration of a doctrine of distributive justice but also that it illuminates the distinctively liberal commitments to the protection of extensive individual liberty and to the requirement that the state must be neutral between different conceptions of the good. The aim of this paper is to raise some doubts about the soundness of one of the fundamental onnections Dworkin draws between the market and distributive justice.


Author(s):  
Kazuaki Kojima ◽  
◽  
Takaya Arita

The Nash demand game (NDG) has been at the center of attention when explaining moral norms of distributive justice on the basis of the game theory. This paper describes the demand-intensity game (D-I game), which adds an “intensity” dimension to NDG in order to discuss various scenarios for the evolution of norms concerning distributive justice, while keeping such simplicity that it can be analyzed by the concepts and tools of the game theory. We perform an ESS analysis and evolutionary simulations, followed by the analysis of replicator dynamics. It is shown that the three norms emerge: the one claiming an equal distribution (Egalitarianism), the one claiming the full amount (Libertarianism), and, as the special case of Libertarianism, the one claiming the full amount but conceding the resource in conflict (Wimpy libertarianism). The evolution of these norms strongly depends on the conflict cost parameter. Egalitarianism emerges with a larger conflict cost while Libertarianism with a smaller cost. Wimpy libertarianism emerges with a relatively larger conflict cost in libertarianism. The simulation results show that there are three types of evolutionary scenarios in general. We see in most of the trials the population straightforwardly converges to Libertarianism or Egalitarianism. It is also shown that, in some range of the conflict cost, the population nearly converges to Egalitarianism, which is followed by the convergence to Libertarianism. It is shown that this evolutionary transition depends on the quasi stability of Egalitarianism.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 63-84

A segmented healthcare system evolved in India by 1990s, whereby the rich population depended on private hospitals while the people at the bottom of the economic pyramid went to the poor-quality public hospitals. In a democracy of equals, unequal access to services became political when COVID-19 began to put pressure on the health system. Corruption that was normalized in a segmented healthcare system could no longer be ignored. To advance the framework of social quality, we examine the corruption that unfolded during the pandemic in India from the perspective of moral foundation theory. We study the issues raised by political parties during the pandemic and court directives responding to citizen grievances. The evidence shows there was inequality of access and that courts had to intervene to try to rectify the situation. In the absence of effective governmental intervention during the pandemic, moral norms become a useful explanatory factor for social quality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marilize E. Tukker

Christians and the church tend to shy away from talking about sex, premarital sex and sex outside of marriage. God and sex are rarely mentioned in the same sentence, and yet people still have a deep need for spirituality, to experience God in their lives and to seek guidance on sexual matters. It becomes a dilemma when the question is posed: where do sexuality and spirituality meet? One way to answer this question is to attempt to find a link between spirituality and sexuality. In this way, spirituality could gain relevance, and expressing one’s sexuality could find a moral foundation. People are both spiritual and sexual creatures – with the need to express their spirituality and sexuality in a moral, but unashamedly natural way. This article attempts to find alternative solutions for our complex society – on the subject of marriage and sexuality. The intention is not to dismiss the institution of marriage, but rather to renegotiate the terms and structure of marriage in the 21st century.


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
David Wiens

Abstract:This paper develops a novelcompetition criterionfor evaluating institutional schemes. Roughly, this criterion says that one institutional scheme is normatively superior to another to the extent that the former engenders more widespread political competition than the latter. I show that this criterion should be endorsed by both global egalitarians and their statist rivals, as it follows from their common commitment to the moral equality of all persons. I illustrate the normative import of the competition criterion by exploring its potential implications for the scope of egalitarian principles of distributive justice. In particular, I highlight the challenges it raises for global egalitarians’ efforts to justify extending the scope of egalitarian justice beyond the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (02) ◽  
pp. 499-512
Author(s):  
Laurens van Apeldoorn

AbstractWhat, if any, are the moral norms governing the international taxation regime if the sceptic is right to think that considerations of distributive justice do not apply beyond the state? I sketch an answer to this question by examining Tsilly Dagan’s illuminating recent book International Tax Policy: Between Competition and Cooperation. In her work, Dagan identifies the position of Thomas Nagel, an influential global justice sceptic, as predominant among commentators in legal scholarship and policy debates on international taxation. According to Nagel, multilateral cooperation is appropriately conceived as a bargain between mutually self-interested states. In tracing the implications of his position for international tax policy Dagan argues that even a sceptic like Nagel is committed to identifying some considerations of distributive justice beyond the state to ameliorate the harmful effects of tax competition. In response I argue that Dagan is correct to claim that the global justice sceptic is committed to seeing cooperation in international tax policy as constrained by moral norms, but that these norms are what Nagel calls humanitarian duties rather than duties of justice. I establish that Dagan’s argument that Nagel is committed to a duty of justice to promote distributive justice abroad faces some significant obstacles and suggest that Dagan can ground her argument in a humanitarian duty that Nagel does accept. The upshot of the argument is that even if the sceptic is right to think that considerations of distributive justice do not apply beyond the state, multilateral tax cooperation is governed by a duty of states to prevent human rights deficits where they can.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nir Eyal

In its standard formulation, luck-egalitarianism is false. Disadvantages that result from free choice to take a risk can constitute egalitarian injusticeóso long as that free choice is morally praiseworthy or at least neutral. A modified formulation of luck-egalitarianism avoids these problems. The formulation offered here focuses on the notion of innocence: lack of free and morally wrong choice to take a risk. Innocent disadvantage negates justice in both punitive and distributive contexts, suggesting that it may negate justice ìitself.î The modified formulation of luck-egalitarianism may thus shed light on distributive justice and perhaps on the essence of justice itself; applying it to the punitive context can also illuminate some of the discussion of moral luck.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Lee Ward

Abstract Modern commentators tend to view John Locke's theory of money either in terms of a process of naturalization placing currency completely beyond the realm of politics or as an effort to provide a moral foundation for a convention subject to epistemic instability. This study builds on the latter interpretation but offers an alternative to the standard view that Locke sought to remove monetary policy from the scope of ongoing political deliberation. While Locke emphasized the concept of trust necessary for the networks of credit and economic exchange, his account of money also prioritized prudential judgments and distinct discursive contexts, especially relating to distributive justice. Locke's economic tracts give reason to reconsider his putative role as founder of the “sound money” doctrine and shed light on aspects of his statecraft only partly visible in his more familiar political works.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 182-212
Author(s):  
Louis-Philippe Hodgson

Do the demands of egalitarian justice extend to the international realm? Some believe that a positive answer follows from a simple line of reasoning: where a child happens to be born is a morally arbitrary fact; accordingly, it shouldn’t unduly influence her life prospects, as will inevitably be the case unless economic inequalities between countries are ironed out. I argue that this style of argument overlooks an important problem concerning the extent to which a person can unilaterally impose enforceable obligations on others by choosing to have a child. I maintain that properly egalitarian duties of distributive justice only arise when this problem of unilateral imposition has been solved. I further argue that solving the problem requires robust political institutions that do not exist in the international context—institutions instantiating a version of what John Rawls calls pure procedural justice, to ensure that the aggregate result of individual reproductive choices is acceptable to all.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 138-145
Author(s):  
Lvova O. L.

The article is an analysis of morality as the characteristics of meaningful in the understanding of human rights as a fundamental principle of their universality. Focuses on the understanding of the universality of human rights. Does this mean that any state expressly reserves all facets of universality (legal, moral) to join its public policy, or universality is based solely on the moral Foundation that emerged in the process of development of social relations and General acceptable for any order. It is noted that current processes of globalization, which seek to universalise human rights is a great challenge with respect to ideas about human nature. Universalization involves determining the value of a certain standard, a kind of legal standard or sample, usefulness and progressiveness which must not be challenged. The attention is paid to conflict legal and moral protection of human rights. It is noted that from the point of view of morality as a means of regulation of social relations and a fundamental principle in ensuring human rights, particularly the criterion of universality, which is multicultural and international. According to the tradition of natural law, the authority of law inevitably relies on the connection of law with morality. So obvious is the importance of moral norms as a meaningful, inherent characteristics of human rights, that is what gives them universality. Because morality exists primarily in the minds of the people, no legal act is not able to fully reflect all the manifestations of public morality. However, numerous international legal instruments that protect human rights, issues of public morality sometimes takes an exceptional place, with this in mind, the analysis is conducted of the norms of international acts and national legislation. In particular, referred to the Law of Ukraine «On protection of public morality», which defines the notion of public morality as a system of ethics, rules of conduct prevailing in the society based on traditional spiritual and cultural values, concepts of good, honor, dignity, public duty, conscience, and justice. However in the state there is a lot of destructive phenomena that go against morals and which is caused by the impulses to tolerance, prejudice the rights of other members of civil society. In particular, we analyze the provisions of the Istanbul Convention, the provisions of which are inconsistent with the Ukrainian legislation and norms of public morality. Proves the impossibility of its ratification in respect of the unjustified creation of additional privileges for the gay, lesbian, bisexual or transgender, which is contrary to art.24 of the Constitution of Ukraine, according to which citizens have equal constitutional rights and freedoms and are equal before the law and that there can be no privileges or restrictions on various grounds. As a conclusion, the crisis of morality is stated, which, in case of further introduction of immoral laws into the sphere of human rights, will become a social crisis, a moral crisis of the Ukrainian nation, where there is no boundary between good and evil, love and hate, justice and public welfare. it can benefit an individual or a small community. And the above-mentioned immorality at the level of implementation in the field of human rights claims to be universal and universal, regardless of the rule of law. Keywords: dignity, globalization, good, morality, human rights, universality.


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