THE ROLE OF EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE FORMATION OF CONTEMPORARY BULGARIAN CULTURE IN CIVIL SOCIETY FOR RAISING THE SOCIAL ROLE OF SPECIAL SERVICES

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 2115-2118
Author(s):  
Stanislava Dimitrova Milachkova

Educational institutions play a key role in shaping a modern civil culture in society around the world, because without adequate civil education it is inconceivable to implement quality civilian control over special services. Civil education is a necessary process of learning practical knowledge and skills and shaping competencies for personal development and improvement, for structuring a democratic society, for laws, rights and responsibilities that provide opportunities for real participation in public life. Training for human rights and civil liability and duty, the position of a pupil-citizen, by adopting the principles and values that serve as the foundation and organization of democracy and the republic, the knowledge of the institutions and the laws by developing the rules in the social and political life, exercise and ability to properly justify. So they would find meaning in the individual and the collective responsibilities in their active citizenship. Civil education contributes to the development of a critical spirit, but through the exercise of arguments for reasoning and more accurate decision-making, reasoning and judgment. Through educational institutions, young citizens are prepared to conduct dialogue, debate, resolve conflicts, and embrace forms of civil communication and interaction with special services. This is a basic approach to the basic concepts - man and citizen. Within even the small city, through the education of democratic citizenship, new moral values are being built and active participation in the civil processes of the small community is taking place. The duty of adolescents to become aware of citizens' rights and obligations, norms of conduct and values in a democratic society, as well as the promotion of the role of special services in the Republic of Bulgaria, will prepare them for training and stability as active citizens of the world. Civil education forms a citizen. Civil society, as a public way of life, can function properly only on the basis of an adequate knowledge of the laws of the Republic of Bulgaria and the moral-legal will applying this knowledge in real life. Civil society is the sphere of social activity that focuses on the degree of socio-economic development of society and directly determines the state. The typing of the state has its objective basis in the typography of civil society. Each civil society is a system of human needs and means to meet them, labor, socio-economic, legal and other subject-practical and conscious-volitional relations, as well as a system of human rights organizations and various social institutions. The duty of the national education system to civil society is to build the citizen - the bearer of national self-awareness, civil culture, moral and moral-legal will. Only such a citizen will, in the course of his life, reproduce civil society in accordance with the national idea.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 45-52
Author(s):  
Makhmudjon Ziyadullaev ◽  

This article presents ofthe content of the right to social security, which is considered as one of the constitutional rights of citizens, the role of state pensions in the social protection of pensioners and the world pension systems, including distributive, mandatory and conditional pension funds.As well as the size of pensions and their components, the relevance and importance in the Republic of Uzbekistan, the ratification of the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and changes in thepension sector over the past 3-4 years, taking into account the types of pension provision, frombeginningsof independence of our country


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ali Z. Al-Zuabi

Abstract Civil society organisations are an integral part of today’s societies throughout the world. They are the main partners of the state, along with the private sector, in the process of developing civil society. Here, we analyse various aspects of the social development of Kuwaiti society, the development strategies of the state, the challenges faced, and the role of civil society organisations by gathering and assessing information using structured questionnaires and statistical methods. The results reveal that civil associations are indispensable in the sustainable development of the state, especially considering the current economic and social challenges experienced in human societies. The study identifies internal and external challenges associated with implementing market-controlling mechanisms and directives for multifarious development under the private sector without inhibiting its growth. The article concludes by identifying the dominant obstacles and challenges development programs of Kuwait face and defines a set of mechanisms capable of solving those challenges effectively.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zainab Rasheed Ahmed

Abstract:In general, the oil topic is one of the topics that requires more attention and research because of being influential in all aspects of economic, social and political life. Therefore, we chose the topic of the effect of the effect of oil on the development of education and the social status of women in Kuwait 1946-1973.The country witnessed many changes during the discovery of oil and its export, then the revenues that contributed to reviving the Kuwaiti economy, which in turn contributed to the emergence of influences on the social reality. After it was exported in 1946 and ended in 1973, the year in which Arab countries used oil as a weapon against Western countries that sympathized with Israel in its war with Arab countries.In addition to the above, oil is an important natural resource for the social structure, including Kuwait. It is also one of the basic foundations of the state. The social development taking place in Kuwait was a result of the increase in oil revenues and its impact on the creation of new organizations, institutions and departments in Kuwait as educational institutions from schools and Kuwait University to sending many students through scholarships to abroad to study. Those components that changed many social perceptions towards Kuwaiti women who were living under the weight of customs and traditions that obscured their roles in society._____________________(⁎) Research extracted from Master's thesisThe importance of studying the topic of oil and social transformations in Kuwait came because oil is one of the most valuable natural resources in the world. That is why some called it “black gold.” It might be better to describe it as the lifeline of most countries, as it is based on a large and diverse activity characterized by its complexity, and the breadth of its political, economic and social effects. The economic factor in most stages and cases is one of the most important factors and even the most dangerous impact on the economic and social conditions of any country in the world. From this standpoint, the study aims to explain the role of oil revenues in improving the economic conditions of Kuwait, which in turn contributed to the establishment of schools in its various stages and for both sexes, boys and girls, that have contributed to changing the thinking of social groups and their perception of the status of women and their roles in building the state and society.In light of the foregoing, a structure was developed for the study consisting of an introduction and three sections in addition to conclusions. We have devoted the introduction to the study of “discovering oil in Kuwait and increasing its revenues from 1946 to 1973,” while the first section is “aspects of social life in Kuwait 1946-1973.” As for the second section that deals with the study of "the role of oil in the emergence of educational institutions in Kuwait," and the third and final section deals with "the impact of oil in changing the reality of Kuwaiti women."


Author(s):  
Jennifer N. Fish

This chapter looks at the role of NGOs, global and national unions, and feminist government leaders in the movement to support domestic workers’ global rights. Here, the merger of civil society activism, labor struggles, and government influence reveals how a cross-sectional range of players served in pivotal roles as allies in the determination of policy protections. Relations between domestic workers and the state are analyzed to show the potential for opening up new spaces of worker activism. The discussion of feminist government leaders, or femocrats, reveals how the unexpected alliance of women in positions of power and women in some of the world’s most marginalized positions resulted in a synergy that shook a staid, bureaucratic institution to its core, and enabled its reorientation to more effectively address issues of global human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 113-129
Author(s):  
V. A. Avatkov

The article considers the role of ideology and values in the formation and implementation of the current foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. Taking into account the increasing role of regional actors such as Turkey in international politics, studying their tactics and mechanisms of influence on the global political environment is necessary to explain the further transformation of the international system.The study reveals the strengthening role of the ideology and values in world politics in general and in individual states, such as Turkey, in particular. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party headed by the current President R.T. Erdogan the country began a gradual transition from «Kemalism», which includes the preservation of secularism, ProWestern democratic values and a gradual departure from the Ottoman heritage, to a more conservative domestic and foreign policy, characterized by the strengthening of Islamist and nationalist sentiments, as well as the transition to the policy of «neo-Ottomanism», «neo-pan-Turkism». The return of the idea of «aggrandizement» of the country to the official political discourse has affected the conduct of Turkey's foreign policy towards both the regional states and the world arena as a whole.The Republic not only began self-restoration as an autonomous actor of international relations in the eyes of the key world powers, but also started to spread its own values and ideas among the population of both the Middle East and among the states which constitute a national interest for Turkey (Russia, the post-Soviet space, etc.), thus influencing them at various levels and involving them in its orbit of influence – both politically, economically and from a humanitarian point of view.Using «hard power» abroad no longer meets the current Turkey’s policy. Instead it relies on forging humanitarian ties, combining initiatives in the cultural, educational and scientific fields to achieve a long-term influence. The Republic of Turkey is trying to spread the following values among the world community:«Justice». International relations must be just and fair. For Turkey it means conformity with its national interests.«Religious fatalism». Government actions both at home and abroad are legitimized through references to religion and fate.«Democratic values». The Republic of Turkey considers itself the most democratic state in the world and contrasts itself with “Western democracies”, which, according to the Turkish leadership, are spreading hegemony rather than democracy.«State-centrism» and collectivism. The interests of the state, society, and especially the Muslim Ummah, are placed above the values of the individual.«Traditional values». Given the Islamization and conservatism of Turkish society as a whole, traditional values also begin to play a major role in the general political discourse of the state.«Culture». Turkey also makes adjustments to the concept of «culture» in very inclusive terms, presenting its culture as a «melting pot» that can turn anything into Turkish.«Respect». In the eastern tradition, it is customary to show respect to elders, as well as neighbors and guests. Turkey uses a demonstration of respect in foreign policy instrumentally and pragmatically. An example of this is the address of the President of Turkey in relation to the leaders of other states: Nursultan Nazarbayev – «aksakal» of the Turkic world, Vladimir Putin is a «dear friend».


Author(s):  
Ian Cummins ◽  
Emilio José Gómez-Ciriano

AbstractThis paper presents a comparative analysis of two reports by the UN Rapporteur on Extreme Poverty and Human Rights, one for Spain and one for the UK. In both countries, austerity policies were introduced following the banking crisis of 2008. The UN Rapporteur reports highlight the damage that was done by welfare retrenchment. In particular, the reports document the impact of austerity on the most vulnerable individuals and communities. The paper uses Somers' (2008) conceptual model of citizenship as the basis for a comparative analysis of two reports. Somers' (2008) model of citizenship is a triadic one which sees the state, market and civil society as competing elements. Each one can serve to regulate and limit the influence or excesses of the other two. Somers argues that neoliberalism has seen the dominance of the market at the expense of the role of the state and the institutions of civil society. Austerity policies saw the market dominating. Having examined the context of the two reports and their conclusions, the paper discussed the implications for individual social workers’ practice and the role of social work as a profession in tackling poverty and marginalisation.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  

This GSoD In Focus Special Brief provides an overview of the state of democracy in Asia and the Pacific at the end of 2019, prior to the outbreak of the pandemic, and assesses some of the preliminary impacts that the pandemic has had on democracy in the region in 2020. Key fact and findings include: • Prior to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, countries across Asia and the Pacific faced a range of democratic challenges. Chief among these were continuing political fragility, violent conflict, recurrent military interference in the political sphere, enduring hybridity, deepening autocratization, creeping ethnonationalism, advancing populist leadership, democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space, the spread of disinformation, and weakened checks and balances. The crisis conditions engendered by the pandemic risk further entrenching and/or intensifying the negative democratic trends observable in the region prior to the COVID-19 outbreak. • Across the region, governments have been using the conditions created by the pandemic to expand executive power and restrict individual rights. Aspects of democratic practice that have been significantly impacted by anti-pandemic measures include the exercise of fundamental rights (notably freedom of assembly and free speech). Some countries have also seen deepened religious polarization and discrimination. Women, vulnerable groups, and ethnic and religious minorities have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic and discriminated against in the enforcement of lockdowns. There have been disruptions of electoral processes, increased state surveillance in some countries, and increased influence of the military. This is particularly concerning in new, fragile or backsliding democracies, which risk further eroding their already fragile democratic bases. • As in other regions, however, the pandemic has also led to a range of innovations and changes in the way democratic actors, such as parliaments, political parties, electoral commissions, civil society organizations and courts, conduct their work. In a number of countries, for example, government ministries, electoral commissions, legislators, health officials and civil society have developed innovative new online tools for keeping the public informed about national efforts to combat the pandemic. And some legislatures are figuring out new ways to hold government to account in the absence of real-time parliamentary meetings. • The consideration of political regime type in debates around ways of containing the pandemic also assumes particular relevance in Asia and the Pacific, a region that houses high-performing democracies, such as New Zealand and the Republic of Korea (South Korea), a mid-range performer (Taiwan), and also non-democratic regimes, such as China, Singapore and Viet Nam—all of which have, as of December 2020, among the lowest per capita deaths from COVID-19 in the world. While these countries have all so far managed to contain the virus with fewer fatalities than in the rest of the world, the authoritarian regimes have done so at a high human rights cost, whereas the democracies have done so while adhering to democratic principles, proving that the pandemic can effectively be fought through democratic means and does not necessarily require a trade off between public health and democracy. • The massive disruption induced by the pandemic can be an unparalleled opportunity for democratic learning, change and renovation in the region. Strengthening democratic institutions and processes across the region needs to go hand in hand with curbing the pandemic. Rebuilding societies and economic structures in its aftermath will likewise require strong, sustainable and healthy democracies, capable of tackling the gargantuan challenges ahead. The review of the state of democracy during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 uses qualitative analysis and data of events and trends in the region collected through International IDEA’s Global Monitor of COVID-19’s Impact on Democracy and Human Rights, an initiative co-funded by the European Union.


2021 ◽  
pp. 270-289
Author(s):  
Michael Smith

The chapter assumes that the state of nature is the state of the world prior to the existence of social rules, and then goes on to argue for the following claims. (1) We have reasons for action in the state of nature. (2) In those state of nature worlds in which we all know what reasons for action we have and are motivated to act on them—for short, those worlds in which we are ideal—these reasons for action would support our exiting the state of nature, that is, our creating and maintaining certain social rules. (3) The social rules we have reasons to create would include social rules telling us what to do in both worlds in which we are ideal and nearby worlds in which we are non-ideal. (4) These need not be rules that we have any reason to abide by in the actual world in which we are non-ideal. (5) Thinking about the role of social rules in fixing what we have reason to do in those states of nature in which we are ideal and non-ideal suggests a complicated and novel story about what we have knowledge of, insofar as we have knowledge of what we have reason to do in the actual world in which social rules exist willy-nilly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (43) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Leno Francisco Danner

Beginning with the Jürgen Habermas’ reconstruction of a normative model of European cultural modernity as basis to a contemporary notion of epistemological-moral universalism as condition to critic, to integration and to intervention, which leads to the affirmation that democracy and human rights represent the modernity’s fundamental legacy, I will discuss that such theoretical reconstruction only can be possible from a historical-sociological blindness which is based on the separation between a normative notion of European cultural modernity and the Realpolitik of colonialism – just from this theoretical-political standpoint it is possible to sustain a universalistic normative paradigm which is capable to ground the criticism, the integration and the intervention of all social-cultural contexts, which means that modern culture and normativism can serve as medium and guide of all particular cultures, at least in a strong way. Against that optimistic role of the Habermasian normative model of European cultural modernity, I will argue that democracy and human rights as modernity’s legacy have basically two tasks in the contemporary Realpolitik: first, to restrain the modernity’s totalizing tendency to rationalization and to globalization, i.e. its movement of assimilation of all cultures and societies in a model of epistemological, cultural and economic universalism; and to ground an international institutional politics based on the social-economic reparation for the colonialism, which implies in a universalistic extension of the social rights to all people in the world (for example, the Philippe van Parijs’ idea of basic income).


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