scholarly journals L’evoluzione del sistema di governo della Macedonia del Nord fra instabilità strisciante e transizione permanente (The evolution of the government system of Northern Macedonia between “slithering” instability and permanent transition)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabio Ratto Trabucco
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Government Action ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Hybrid Regime

La Macedonia del Nord è un caso peculiare all’interno dell’ex Jugoslavia e nel processo di adesione all’UE per le ben note implicazioni geopolitiche: la minoranza albanese e la denominazione, ambedue solo recentemente superati. Emerge tuttavia un sistema di governo semipresidenziale non dissimile da quello degli altri Paesi dell’Europa centro-orientale, che, trascendendo il classico modello di Duverger, si connota per una predominanza della centralità parlamentare opposta al Capo dello Stato senza significativi poteri costituzionali. Solo un Presidente con una forte personalità sembra essere in grado di influenzare l’azione di governo, attraverso il suo potere di magistrato di influenza e persuasione. D’altro canto, il decennio del Primo Ministro nazionalista Gruevski è stato caratterizzato dall’autoritarismo con un regime ibrido ovvero democrazia illiberale. Pertanto, le condizioni politiche, istituzionali, storiche e interetniche del Paese non favorirono l’evoluzione del sistema semipresidenziale verso un modello a “Presidente forte”. Northern Macedonia is a typical example of instability within the former Yugoslavia due to the well-known geopolitical implications: the Albanian minority and the denomination, both of which have only recently been overcome. However, a semi-presidential system of government emerges that is not dissimilar from other Central-Eastern European countries, which, transcending the classic Duverger model, is characterized by a predominance of parliamentary centrality opposed to the Head of State without significant constitutional powers. Only a President with a strong personality appears to be able to influence government action, through his power as a magistrate of influence and persuasion. Otherwise, the nationalist Gruevski’s Prime Minister decade was characterized by authoritarianism with a hybrid regime or an illiberal democracy. Thus, the political, institutional, historical and interethnic conditions of the country did not, therefore, favor the evolution of the semi-presidential system towards a “strong President” model.

the presidential and the semi-presidential system

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peshraw Mohammed Ameen
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Realistic Model ◽  
The Political ◽  
Kurdistan Region ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
The Government

In this research we dealt with the aspects of the presidential system and the semi-presidential system, and he problematic of the political system in the Kurdistan Region. Mainly The presidential system has stabilized in many important countries, and the semi-presidential concept is a new concept that can be considered a mixture of parliamentary and presidential principles. One of the features of a semi-presidential system is that the elected president is accountable to parliament. The main player is the president who is elected in direct or indirect general elections. And the United States is a model for the presidential system, and France is the most realistic model for implementing the semi-presidential system. The French political system, which lived a long period under the traditional parliamentary system, introduced new adjustments in the power structure by strengthening the powers of the executive authority vis-à-vis Parliament, and expanding the powers of the President of the Republic. In exchange for the government while remaining far from bearing political responsibility, and therefore it can be said that the French system has overcome the elements of the presidential system in terms of objectivity and retains the elements of the parliamentary system in terms of formality, so it deserves to be called the semi-presidential system. Then the political system in the Kurdistan Region is not a complete parliamentary system, and it is not a presidential system in light of the presence of a parliament with powers. Therefore, the semi-presidential system is the most appropriate political system for this region, where disputes are resolved over the authority of both the parliament and the regional president, and a political system is built stable. And that because The presence of a parliamentary majority, which supports a government based on a strategic and stable party coalition, which is one of the current problems in the Kurdistan region. This dilemma can be solved through the semi-presidential system. And in another hand The impartiality of the head of state in the relationship with the government and parliament. The head of state, with some relations with the government, can participate in legislative competencies with Parliament.

scholarly journals First minister (prime minister) of the Fifth French Republic: Between the significant constitutional position and the prevailing practice in the shadow of the head of state

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 223-252
Author(s):  
Milan Rapajić
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

One of the characteristics of the system of government in the Fifth French Republic is the strengthened position of the head of state, but also the existence of the first minister as a constitutional category with a significant role. The constitution provides the political responsibility of the government with the Prime Minister and ministers before parliament. Certain French writers have opinion that the Prime Minister appears as the central figure of the constitutional structure. The Prime Minister shall direct the actions of the Government. This is 21 of Constitution. Also, there are specific powers that put the Prime Minister in the position of its real head of government. Among the prime minister's most important powers is his right to elect members of the government. It is the right to propose to the President of the Republic the appointment but also the dismissal of members of the government. The Prime Minister is authorized to re-sign certain acts of the President of the Republic. In case of temporary impediment of the head of state, the Prime Minister chairs the councils and committees for national defense, as well as the Council of Ministers. The paper analyzes the constitutional provisions that lead to the conclusion that the position of the Prime Minister is institutionally constructed as strong. Political practice, with the exception of periods of cohabitation, has indicated that most prime ministers have been overshadowed by mostly powerful heads of state. For that reason, it is necessary to analyze the political practice of all eight presidential governments. A review of the already long political life that has lasted since 1958. points to the conclusion that in its longest period, presidents of the Republic dominated the public political scene. The Prime Minister has a more pronounced role in the executive branch during cohabitation periods. However, nine years in three cohabitations cannot change the central conclusion of this paper that the dominant political practice of the Fifth Republic has led to the Prime Minister being essentially in the shadow of the head of state.

scholarly journals The deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some constitutional considerations

Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Procedures

Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that 'The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister' was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu's unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba's political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.KEY WORDS : Congo, Constitution, Lumumba, Politics 

scholarly journals De Afzetting van Lumumba Door Kasavubu, Enkele Grondwettelijke Beschouwingen

Afrika Focus ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 61-69
Author(s):  
Dirk Beke
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Contextual Analysis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Political Position ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government ◽  
Formal Procedures

The Deposition of Lumumba by Kasavubu, some Constitutional Considerations Shortly after the independence of the Congo, the political crisis engendered by the conflict between President Kasavubu and Prime Minister Lumumba was accompanied by a serious constitutional crisis. The first Congolese constitution was almost a complete imitation of the Belgian constitution. It established a parliamentary regime with a politically accountable Prime Minister and a non-accountable President as Head of State. The confusing rubric that ‘The Head of State appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister’ was quickly misused by national and international opponents of Lumumba to persuade Kasavubu to remove him from power. A full and contextual analysis of the constitution, however, shows that dismissal is linked to several other formal procedures and political conditions. Every presidential decision, including the dismissal of the Prime Minister and of Ministers, has to be countersigned by a Minister. Furthermore, it can be deduced clearly from the whole constitutional model that dismissal of the Prime Minister can only take place when the government has been outvoted in parliament. The conclusion is that, in contradiction to the contrived interpretations of some advisers and Belgian jurists, the deposition of Lumumba was unconstitutional. At any rate, Kasavubu’s unconstitutional act seriously damaged Lumumba’s political position and placed him in a difficult situation of legal defence against it.

Challenges of the Illiberal Democracy in Hungary. Some Aspects to the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-90
Author(s):  
Schmidt Andrea
Keyword(s):  
Eastern European ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Illiberal Democracy ◽  
Short Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
One Year ◽  
Annus Mirabilis

Abstract Political transformation reached Hungary in parallel with other Central and Eastern European countries at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. The core of the events, the year of 1989, the so called “annus mirabilis” when, within one year almost the entire Central and Eastern European region stepped onto the path of changes. The actors adopted Western patterns within a short period, institutions of new political systems were established, and a new political power verified and consolidated its legitimacy by free elections. As a final proof of transformation, most of former socialist bloc member states joined both the NATO and the European Union. Hungary had the chance to enter in the 21st century under radically changed and much more favourable conditions than it ever had before. This smooth transformation interrupted by political and economic crisis that finally led to the victory of the opposition that managed to repeat the next elections and implemented the Programme of National Cooperation. The aim of the paper is to analyse why the adoption of the new system enjoys wide support from different social groups and how the old fixations and obsessions persisted in society. This paper also gives a brief explanation about the nature of illiberal democracy in a wider scope and link it with the history of the Hungarian democracy, the (dis) functioning institutions, and confirms the argumentation with some statistical data explaining the correlation between the support of the government and the living standards. It investigates, if the Hungarian illiberal democratic regime interpreted as consequence of the troublesome system changes or if it is rooted in the distorted political system.

scholarly journals KEDUDUKAN DAN TANGGUNGJAWAB PRESIDEN DALAM SISTEM PRESIDENSIAL DI INDONESIA

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi
Keyword(s):  
Rule Of Law ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Rule Of Law ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.

scholarly journals The ‘drifting Generation’ without a Helmsman. Main obstacles in shaping the Relations between the Political Parties and the Youth in Poland

2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 319-351
Author(s):  
Radosław Marzęcki
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Democratic Culture ◽  
Efficient Communication ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Discourse Understanding

Abstract In the article the author presents data to identify the most important obstacles hindering efficient communication between political parties and Polish youth. The main assumptions accepted by the author are related to the belief that the Central and Eastern European countries are still trying to figure out ways of dealing with the key challenges related to transformation – the (re)creation of the civil society and a new, democratic culture of political discourse. Understanding that all social change is evolutionary and is a part of some social movement, the author assumes that the post-communist societies now face a chance to meaningfully accelerate this process. The chance is related to the young generation of citizens – often of the same age as the democracies themselves.

scholarly journals Austria: target country for care workers despite increased anti-migration policies

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Falkenbach
Keyword(s):  
Workforce Planning ◽  
Workplace Safety ◽  
Rapid Review ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Term Care ◽  
Migration Policies ◽  
Private Households ◽  
Care Workers ◽  
The Government ◽  
Eastern European Countries

Abstract Background Austria is facing workforce shortages in long-term care making the country an important destination for migrant care workers, particularly from Eastern European countries. Many of them are working in low-status positions as carers in 24-hours care, although they are often qualified professionals. These 24-hour care positions are often in private households with no regulated workplace safety or standard minimum salaries. Despite this steady flow of migrant carers, shortage of nurses and carers in the country persists and is likely to increase. Methods A rapid review of available data and research was undertaken. Results The migration of nurses to Austria has played a significant role for many years, as the training of certified nurses within the country has only risen marginally. The annual inflow of foreign trained nurses reached a high in 2016 as did the number of 24-hour care workers, most of which are women. The recent cuts by the government towards family allowances for children not living in Austria will hit this population hard. Current anti-migration policies thus take the risk of reducing the numbers of migrant carers, although the government does not have a plan in place on how to fill the gaps and develop more effective health workforce planning and management. Conclusions Growing nationalism, a government pushing towards stricter migration laws and a restrictionist policy stance of unions relative to migrants, all create new threats to a health system heavily dependent on migrant carers.

scholarly journals Language and Power Nexus: A Critical Study of Pakistani Political Discourse

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Ayyaz Qadeer ◽  
Wasima Shehzad
Keyword(s):  
Political Discourse ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Critical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical View ◽  
Language And Power ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Masses

The present study presents a critical view of the speech delivered on May 09, 2011 by the prime-minister of Pakistan, Yousuf Raza Gillani. Following the language of the political discourse, this speech is delivered in the parliament house in front of the speaker, but is meant for the masses. The position of the speaker remains uniform as the questions are asked in the end alone. However, the speech is meant for both the addressee present at the time of the speech, and the assumed masses. It was found out the pronouns we, our, were constantly used to shift the responsibility on Al-Qaida whereas “I” was used for authority in order to digress the discussion from the topic. The pronouns and the vocabulary together establish the in-group or out-group category. The solidarity is shown towards the masses to get their support and defense is shown towards the allies who are accusing the government of fraud and nefarious ploy. Mystification is performed at a number of places to hide truth and claim the truth alternatively.

Translation channels

Target ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioana Popa
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Literary Texts ◽  
The Political ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Literary Works ◽  
International Circulation ◽  
Eastern European Countries

Focusing on a comparative analysis of the translations in French of literary works from four Eastern European countries (Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania) during the communist period, this article examines the political stakes of the international circulation of literary texts. More precisely, it proposes a model for describing the different modalities of international circulation—referred to here as translation channels—based on the statistical analysis of a relevant set of variables. These channels allow us to present a gradation of the degree of politicization and institutionalization of the literary transfer, and to go well beyond an analysis in terms of the undifferentiated flow of imported books or the simple opposition of authorized vs. unauthorized translations or submissive vs. dissenting writers.

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