scholarly journals THE IMPERIAL CONTEXT OF RUSSIAN MEMORIAL POLICY IN ANNEXED CRIMEA

2021 ◽  
pp. 209-222
Author(s):  
Yevgeniya Horiunova

The purpose of the article is to analyze the basic principles of Russian memorial policy in Crimea in the context of Russia's current imperial ambitions. Research methodology is based on a systematic approach, which allows us to consider the policy of memory in Russia as part of public policy to restore the status of "great power" in the world. Scientific novelty of the study is that it has been proved that Russia is actively filling the symbolic space of Crimea with imperial symbols at the same time as preserving the symbols of the Soviet times to restore the imperial status in modern realities. Conclusions. Russia has always considered Crimea its own territory and was not going to give up the peninsula. To support the dominance of pro-Russian sentiment, they actively used symbolic space, trying to fill it with their own cultural symbols. With monuments in honor of Empress Catherine II, the Russian authorities reminded of the first annexation of Crimea and demonstrated their own historical claims to the peninsula. Even, partial decommunization in Crimea took place according to the Russian scenario – the streets were given back the names of the times of the Russian Empire. After the annexation, the Kremlin implemented its own memory policy on the peninsula, demonstrating through new monuments the «Russian status» of the peninsula and its role in the formation and development of the Russian Empire. Accordingly, imperial symbols, along with Orthodox ones, are beginning to play a key role in Crimea. At the same time, Moscow preserves and enlarges the Soviet symbolic space to accelerate the process of building the «Fifth Empire» through the reconciliation of «white» and «red» projects in the mental field, the expansionist foundation of which was laid by the annexation of Crimea.

2019 ◽  
pp. 454-459
Author(s):  
Anna Ivanova

The article is devoted to the life and work of the Polish writer, poet, translator Josef Lobodowski. It represents his biographical information, his relationship with Ukraine and the traditions of this region. Moreover, the poetry collection “Złota hramota” from the point of view of the Ukrainian question becomes the object of the article. The aim of the work is to systematize available information concerning the life and the creative input of the outstanding Pole, who, while living in Kuban, learned the Ukrainian language and fell in love with the Ukrainian culture and poetry. Josef Lobodowski is called the successor of the “Ukrainian school” in the Polish literature of the twentieth century, because within the scope of his works he appeals to the beauty of Ukrainian nature, Ukrainian history and, equally important, the Ukrainian question. Josef Lobodowski dedicated his articles and poetry to this issue, since he considered it necessary to regulate Ukrainian-Polish relations. In this work, particular attention is paid to the poetic collection “Złota hramota” by Josef Lobodowski, since it may be regarded as a poetic appeal to a modern person, which is partly due to the title of the collection. This collection has a significant historical background and brings us back to the times when the Poles began their struggle for freedom from the Russian Empire and the restoration of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In addition to this, the entire collection is rich in Ukrainian national motives and reveals the national issue and a no less important issue of Polish-Ukrainian relations. However, one should evaluate the contribution of Josef Lobodowski also as a translator from the Ukrainian language who introduced the pearls of Ukrainian poetry such as Taras Shevchenko and Yevhen Malaniuk to ordinary Poles. All things considered, Josef Lobodowski as a poet, publicist, translator and just a man who was captured by Ukrainian history and culture, highlights important and topical questions in his works, as well as contributes to the popularization of Ukrainian cultural achievements on the world stage.


2020 ◽  
pp. 120-139
Author(s):  
T. N. Belova

Foreign trade policy and its role in the economic growth of the national economy are considered through the prism of history and comparison of the formation of the industrial economy in the Russian Empire and the North American United States. The author compares the protectionism of D. I. Mendeleev, described in his economic works, and the free trade thinking of the American scholar W. Sumner, who formulated the “misconceptions” of protectionism. Mendeleev’s proper protectionism is grounded on the basic principles (incentivizing internal competition, growth of consumption, bringing up of new industries ), which are relevant for contemporary Russia. The author gives a typical example of the formation and decline of the factory industry using the case of mirror factories in the Ryazan province. These historical analogies, the paper argues, are necessary for the correct assessment of the current situation and for coming up with valid solutions aimed at the development of the Russian economy.


Author(s):  
Jörg Baberowski

This chapter examines the aftermath of the Bolsheviks' victory over both the Whites, or counterrevolutionaries, and all rival socialists. The Bolsheviks broke the military resistance of the Whites, crushed the unrest and strikes of the peasants, and even restored the multiethnic empire, which, in the early months of revolution, had largely fallen apart. In spring 1921, when the Red Army marched into Georgia, the Civil War was officially over. For the Bolsheviks, however, military victory was not the end but rather the beginning of a mission, not simply to shake the world but to transform it. Although weapons may have decided the war in favor of the revolutionaries they had not settled the question of power. This chapter considers Vladimir Lenin's New Economic Policy (NEP) that would implement economic reforms, the Bolsheviks' failure to carry power into villages, and the dictatorship's lack of support from the proletariat. It also describes the nationalization of the Russian empire and Joseph Stalin's rise to power.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-122
Author(s):  
Sergey Valentinovich Lyubichankovskiy

This paper is about an implementation process of the 1890 law in the Orenburg province for organization of new regional structures of penitentiary management - provincial prison inspection and prison department of provincial board. Specifics of prison reform implementation in the region, the relation of the governor's power to emergence of new bureaucratic structures, features of interaction between the created governing bodies are considered as well as the place taken by representatives of prison administration in regional bureaucratic community after the reform implementation is determined. The conclusion is drawn that implementation of the 1890 law took place in the Orenburg province with essential regional features. Orenburg provincial inspection has been created later (1894) than in the Russian Empire in general because of prolonged implementation of judicial reform (1864) on the territory of the region. However this inspection became more influential than similar organizations in other regions of the Russian Empire as it has subordinated the prison department of the Orenburg provincial board and accumulated all main competences of the sphere of prison case. The status of the Orenburg provincial prison inspector was almost equal to the status of the vice-governor.


Author(s):  
Pavel Nikolaevich Dudin

Based on the previously unexamined treaties and agreements, this article analyzes the civilian mechanism of ensuring Russia’s interest in Manchuria on the background of establishment and development of statehood of Hulunbuir District, also known as Barga. Having lost the Russo-Japanese War and a number of backbone territories, the Russian Empire took all necessary steps towards retention and strengthening of its influence in the region, was able to form the zones of primary interests, and this control the process of acquisition of relative autonomy by Barga. It is concluded that within the framework of considered agreements, Russia’ national interests in the Far East were reliably protected. It was achieved by the concessions, which by their legal nature significantly differed from the concessions and settlements created by the foreign powers in Eastern China, although were capable of ensuring Russia’s presence and safeguarding the strategic interests. Despite the fact that the created system demonstrated its effectiveness, it did not survive the political crises caused by the revolutionary events and demise of the Russian Empire. China’s leadership took advantage of the situation that unfolded in Russia, and liquidated the autonomy of Outer Mongolia, and later the status of Hulunbuir, stipulated in the agreements.


Author(s):  
Aigul R. Nurieva ◽  
◽  
Marat Z. Gibadullin ◽  
Diana I. Zainutdinova ◽  
◽  
...  

The current state of the world economy is characterized by instability and mobility. In the context of a protracted crisis, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, competitive contradictions between the leading actors in international economic relations and world politics are exacerbating. Each of them is trying to fix the positions they have won in the world arena, resorting to the tools of economic and military diplomacy to achieve their strategic goals. The confrontation between old and new world leaders of the world economy is being transferred not only to traditional markets, but also to new ones, which were previously on the periphery of their economic interests. The African continent today, like in the nineteenth century, attracts more and more close attention of the leading states of the world. Rich in natural resources, it becomes an arena for the struggle for control over it from the United States, China, and European countries. Taking into account the fact that for Russia the field of foreign economic activity has significantly narrowed in recent years, its return to Africa should become one of the priorities of the national foreign economic strategy. In the above context, it seems relevant to comprehensively study the stages of development of economic relations between Russia and African countries and, based on historical experience, to identify the shortcomings and failures of economic policy in relations with African partners. When writing the article, the authors used general scientific research methods, primarily the dialectical method of cognition, the logical and historical method, deduction and induction, and mathematical methods. In the course of the study, the following results were achieved. (1) Based on the analysis of historical documents, the nature of the economic relations of the Russian Empire with African countries at various stages of their evolution has been determined. It has been established that, at the initial stage of interaction, Russia, in its desire to establish economic contacts with the states in the region, relied on the principle of respect for their sovereignty as independent states, independent subjects of international economic relations; however, at the following stage, associated with the beginning of the colonial division of Africa by the European powers, Russia was forced to passively participate in the colonial aggression against the countries of the region, entering into international agreements with the colonialists on the status of African countries. (2) Based on the processing of statistical data on the foreign trade of the Russian Empire with African countries and territories, a tendency has been revealed that characterizes the gradual curtailment of Russia’s economic activity in this region.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr S. Stykalin ◽  

Reorganisation of the Austrian Empire into the dual Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1867 was followed by an attempt to cancel the special status of the Grand Principality of Transylvania, which had a long tradition of autonomous statehood, and absorb it into the Kingdom of Hungary. This caused a reaction by the Romanian nationalist movement in the region that intensified decade by decade. That this movement became a threat to the integrity of Austria-Hungary could not help but become an object of observation for Russian diplomats in the neighbouring Kingdom of Romania, where the issue of the status of Transylvanian Romanians was gaining more and more political attention. In this essay, based on archival and published sources, it is shown how Russian observers, first and foremost Russian diplomats in Bucharest, described not only the complex interethnic relations at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but also the attitude of the Romanian political elite and Romanian public opinion towards the status of Romanians in Transylvania - subjects of the Habsburgs. The author comes to the conclusion that a glace thrown from outside on this remote region, loosely con-nected with Russia, nevertheless allows conclusions to be drawn that help to reassess issues that concerned the Russian Empire (such as the Bessarabia question).


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