scholarly journals Deficits of Political Culture in the Context of the Transformation of Postmodern Subjectivity

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 43-75
Author(s):  
Mariola Kuszyk-Bytniewska

In the article, I address the issues of the transformation of subjectivity, to which it is subject in the face of changes in the political and cultural status of knowledge in post-modernity. I am trying to identify and define the post-modern deficits of political culture as a consequence of these changes. Looking at the links between subjectivity and politics, I reach out to Charles Taylor, who characterizes the crisis of the ethos of authenticity, Anthony Giddens, who analyses the process of disembedding of a subject, and Michel Foucault describing modern technologies of the self-creation in the context of a concept of politics understood as praxis by Hannah Arendt.

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
RONALD J. DEIBERT

Increasingly, International Relations (IR) theorists are drawing inspiration from a broad range of theorists outside the discipline. One thinks of the introduction of Antonio Gramsci's writings to IR theorists by Robert Cox, for example, and the ‘school’ that has developed in its wake. Similarly, the works of Anthony Giddens, Michel Foucault, and Jurgen Habermas are all relatively familiar to most IR theorists not because of their writings on world politics per se, but because they were imported into the field by roving theorists. Many others of varying success could be cited as well. Such cross-disciplinary excursions are important because they inject vitality into a field that – in the opinion of some at least—is in need of rejuvenation in the face of contemporary changes. In this paper, I elaborate on the work of the Canadian communications theorist Harold Innis, situating his work within contemporary IR theory while underlining his historicism, holism, and attention to time-space biases.


1989 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 153
Author(s):  
James N. Porter ◽  
Luther H. Martin ◽  
Huck Gutman ◽  
Patrick H. Hutton

Author(s):  
Catherine Chaput

Michel Foucault, who was born in 1926 into an upper-middle-class family, came of age in post-World War II Paris, studied with Louis Althusser, and rose to intellectual prominence in the 1970s, died on June 25, 1984. The near celebrity status that he acquired during his lifetime has multiplied since his death as the Foucault of disciplinary power has been supplemented with the Foucault of neoliberalism, biopolitics, aesthetics of the self, and the ontology of the present. These different forms of Foucauldian analysis are often grouped into three phases of scholarship that include the archeological, the genealogical, and the ethical. The first period, produced throughout the 1960s, focuses on the relationship between discourse and knowledge; the second period, developed throughout the 1970s, zeroes in on diverse structures of historically evolving power relations; and, the Foucault that emerged in the 1980s explores technologies of the self or the work of the self on the self. This well-recognized periodization highlights the triangulated structure of associations among knowledge, power, and subjectivity that animated his work. Because a number of decentered relations, something he called governmentality, are woven through everyday experience, Foucault questioned the assumption that communication takes place between autonomous, self-aware individuals who use language to negotiate and organize community formation and argued instead that this web of discourse practices and power relations produces subjects differentially suited to the contingencies of particular historical epochs. Although a critical consensus has endorsed this three-part taxonomy of Foucault’s scholarship, the interpretation of these periods varies. Some view them through a linear progression in which the failures of one moment lay the groundwork for the superseding moment: his discursive emphasis in the archeological phase gave way to his emphasis on power in the genealogical phase which, in turn, gave way to his focus on subjectivity in the ethical phase. Others, such as Jeffrey Nealon, understand the shifts as “intensifications” (p. 5) wherein each phase tightens his theoretical grip, triangulating knowledge, power, and subjectivity ever more densely. Still others suggest that the technologies of the self that undergird Foucault’s ethical period displace the leftist orientation of his early work with a latent conservatism. Regardless of where one lands on this debate, Foucault’s three intellectual phases cohere around an ongoing analysis of the relationships among knowledge, power, and subjectivity—associations at the heart of communication studies. Focused on how different subjects experience the established “regime of truth,” Foucault’s historical investigations, while obviously diverse, maintain a similar methodology, one he labeled the history of thought and contrasted with the history of ideas. As he conceives it, the history of ideas attempts to determine the origin and evolution of a particular concept through an uninterrupted teleology. He distinguishes his method, the history of thought, through its focus on historical problematization. This approach explores “the way institutions, practices, habits, and behavior become a problem for people who have certain types of habits, who engage in certain kinds of practices, and who put to work specific kinds of institutions.” In short, he studies how people and society deal with a phenomenon that has become a problem for them. This approach transforms the narrative of human progress into a history broken by concrete political, economic, and cultural problems whose resolution requires reconstituting the prevailing knowledge–power–subject dynamics. Put differently, Foucault illuminates historical breaks and the shifts required for their repair. Whereas the history of ideas erases the discontinuity among events, he highlights those differences and studies the process by which they dissolve within a singular historical narrative. Glossing his entire oeuvre, he suggests that his method can address myriad concerns, including “for example, about madness, about crime, about sex, about themselves, or about truth.” An overarching approach that intervenes into dominant narratives in order to demonstrate their silencing effects, the history of thought undergirds all three of Foucault’s externally imposed periods. Each period explores knowledge, power, and subjectivity while stressing one nodal point of the relationship: archeology stresses knowledge formation; genealogy emphasizes power formation; and the ethical period highlights subject formation. This strikingly original critical approach has left its mark on a wide range of theorists, including such notable thinkers as Gilles Deleuze, Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, Antonio Negri, Donna Haraway, and Judith Butler, and has influenced critical communication scholars such as Raymie McKerrow, Ronald Greene, Kendell Phillips, Jeremy Packer, and Laurie Ouellete.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2.29) ◽  
pp. 1044
Author(s):  
Diah Ayu Pratiwi ◽  
Meri Enita Puspita Sari

This research examines the political culture of coastal communities in the face of Simultaneous Regional Elections of 2015 in Batam City. The purpose of this research is to analyze the types of political culture and the participation of coastal society in political activities, especially elections, because there is no research that discusses the political culture of coastal society in particular. Research that discusses the political life of coastal society has not been discussed, especially how the role and views of society on political life and government. In fact, coastal society are groups that will be affected and feel the consequences of these political activities. This research uses qualitative method. The respondents are selected by purposive sampling technique and data obtained by observation and in-depth interview. The findings in this study indicate that the type of coastal society culture is included in the type of participant political culture, in which the level of participation society in Simultaneous Regional Elections of 2015 is quite high and their knowledge on political activity is sufficient.  


Author(s):  
Anna Clayfield

The introduction challenges the widely held view in Western scholarship that the supposed “militarization” of the Cuban Revolution is key to understanding its longevity. While the pervasiveness of the armed forces in revolutionary Cuba is hard to refute, this chapter argues that it is the Revolution’s guerrilla origins, rather than its “militarism,” that partly explains its survival and the political authority of its leaders. Specifically, it is the promotion of a guerrilla ethos in the Revolution’s official, hegemonic discourse that, through the creation of a new political culture since 1959, has afforded historic legitimacy to the ex-guerrilla fighters in power. This chapter explains how the author, through discourse analysis, draws on the works of Michel Foucault and Norman Fairclough to examine a range of texts that span the Revolution’s six decades in power. This analysis reveals a consistent endorsement of the values and attributes associated with the guerrilla fighter, a phenomenon introduced here as guerrillerismo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 109-123
Author(s):  
Linas Jokubaitis

The aim of the article is to reconstruct Hans Jonas’ vision of ethics for the technological civilization and to highlight the challenges that are faced in the attempt to provide an ontological grounding for such ethics. The attempt to develop the ethics of responsibility is inseparable from the affirmation of paternalistic political positions, which leads towards apologetics of total governmental control. In the face of dangers created by modern technology, Jonas argues that attempts to safeguard the existence of humanity are best served by a government that controls all aspects of life. Jonas maintains that in the face of various dangers created by modern technologies, a relationship with them, which is based on fear, becomes pragmatic and rational. A positive evaluation of fear leads towards reactionary political tendencies. Philosopher’s imperative is based on the duty to protect „genuine” human life, however, his vision of total technocratic government could lead to an absolute dehumanization of humanity. It is therefore concluded that Jonas‘ vision of ethics is incompatible with the political ethics of liberal democracy.


2014 ◽  
pp. 36-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon W. Cisney

In this paper I employ the notion of the ‘thought of the outside’ as developed by Michel Foucault, in order to defend the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze against the criticisms of ‘elitism,’ ‘aristocratism,’ and ‘political indifference’—famously leveled by Alain Badiou and Peter Hallward.  First, I argue that their charges of a theophanic conception of Being, which ground the broader political claims, derive from a misunderstanding of Deleuze’s notion of univocity, as well as a failure to recognize the significance of the concept of multiplicity in Deleuze’s thinking.  From here, I go on to discuss Deleuze’s articulation of the ‘dogmatic image of thought,’ which, insofar as it takes ‘recognition’ as its model, can only ever think what is already solidified and sedimented as true, in light of existing structures and institutions of power.  Then, I examine Deleuze’s reading of Foucault and the notion of the ‘thought of the outside,’ showing the ‘outside’ as the unthought that lies at the heart of thinking itself, as both its condition and its impossibility.  Insofar as it is essential to thinking itself, finally, I argue that the passage of thought to the outside is not an absolute flight out of this world, as Hallward claims, but rather, a return of the different that constitutes the Self for Deleuze.  Thinking is an ongoing movement of deterritorialization and reterritorialization, or as Foucault says, death and life.  Thinking, as Deleuze understands it, is essentially creative; it reconfigures the virtual, thereby literally changing the world.  Thinking is therefore, according to Deleuze, thoroughly political.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Bayo Ogunjimi

Right from the period of colonialism the herd or cult of the national bourgeoisie has been consistent in its chicanery of reifying, alienating and approximating the social existence of the peasants, the working class and other oppressed social strata. They operate the political culture from various levels of fetishisms as politicians, businessmen, professionals, religious prelates, feudal oligarchies and cultic forces. Set against the masses is the conglomerate of the class referred to by Wole Soyinka as the “self-consolidating regurgitative lumpen Mafiadom of the military, the old politicians and business enterprises” (The Man Died, London, Andre Deutsche Ltd., 1972, p. 181). This class consists of those that Frantz Fanon refers to as the conduit pipes and errand boys of international monopoly capital.


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