scholarly journals Political Philosophy in the Pandemic. The Italian Panorama

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 193-211
Author(s):  
Giorgia Serughetti

From the outset, the emergency generated by the Covid-19 pandemic has had political and philosophical implications, as well as medical, social and economic ones. It has raised issues such as the relationship between security and freedom, between citizens and the state, between rights and obligations, and among democratic powers, as well as discussions about the current economic and environmental model of development. This article presents a review of the main interpretations and reflections on the pandemic proposed by political philosophers in Italy during more than a year of crisis.

Author(s):  
Karl Widerquist ◽  
Grant S. McCall

Because this book involves two very different academic disciplines, political philosophy and anthropology, some background about the relevant topics in each one is helpful. In this chapter, Section 1 introduces the relevant political theory. Section 2 discusses some of the anthropological methods and conceptual issues involved in the examination of the evidence relevant to these philosophical arguments. Section 3 discusses how the state and the state of nature are defined in relation to each other. Section 4 addresses some responses this book is likely to receive. Section 5 discusses the relationship between this book and modern indigenous peoples.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Zaprulkhan Zaprulkhan

<p class="IIABSBARU">One discourse that continues to be discussed in the realm of Islamic political philosophy is about the relation between religion and state. Broadly speaking, there are at least three paradigms of thinking about the relationship between religion and state. <em>First</em>, sekularistik paradigm, which says that Islam has nothing to do with the state, because Islam does not regulate state life or reign. <em>Second</em>, formalistic paradigm, which assumes that Islam is a complete religion, which includes everything, including the question of the state or a political system. <em>Third</em>, paradigms substansialistik, which rejects the notion that Islam covers everything and also rejects the notion that Islam is only governs the relationship between man and his Creator alone. This article will take pictures of how the three views of this paradigm by showing some of the characters are representative and critically using the comparative method.</p><p class="IIABSBARU" align="center">***</p>Salah satu wacana yang terus diperbincangkan dalam ranah filsafat politik Islam adalah mengenai relasi antara agama dan negara. Secara garis besar paling tidak ada tiga paradigma pemikiran tentang hubungan agama dan negara. <em>Pertama</em>, paradigma sekularistik, yang mengatakan bahwa Islam tidak ada hubungannya dengan negara, karena Islam tidak mengatur kehidupan bernegara atau pemerintahan. <em>Kedua</em>, paradigma formalistik, yang menganggap bahwa Islam adalah agama yang paripurna, yang mencakup segala-galanya, termasuk masalah negara atau sistem politik. <em>Ketiga</em>, paradigma substansialistik, yang menolak pendapat bahwa Islam mencakup segala-galanya dan juga menolak pandangan bahwa Islam hanya mengatur hubungan antara manusia dan Penciptanya semata. Artikel ini akan memotret bagaimana pandangan ketiga paradigma tersebut dengan menampilkan beberapa tokohnya yang representatif dan dengan meng­gunakan metode kritis komparatif.


1918 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-214
Author(s):  
Robert T. Crane

In his admirable analysis of the juristic theory of the state, Dr. Willoughby has said that “analytical political philosophy” views the state “simply as an instrumentality for the creation and enforcement of law.” The point of view from which this philosophy proceeds is thus fixed. It is professedly the legal point of view.It is, however, precisely by peculiar and distinctive points of view from which phenomena are observed, that sciences or philosophies are differentiated one from another. Two philosophies cannot occupy the same standpoint. If there is to be discussion of a philosophy of politics which asserts its viewpoint to be that of a philosophy of law, then it is necessary to define very clearly the relationship between politics and law.As these concepts have been defined by the analytical school, it is obvious that they are intimately connected. By the opponents of this school it may be objected that, when correctly conceived, politics and law are perfectly distinct. It may perhaps be held that what is known as law in modern society is not essentially political at all; but that it has merely happened as an accident of modern political development that a part of the law has received the additional and nonessential sanction of political authority.


In this introduction the papers in Volume 3 of Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy are briefly described to make it easier for readers to decide which papers are most important to them. It outlines the content of the three parts of the volume and details the relationship between the papers they contain. The first part looks at issues concerning equality and justice; the second examines the justification for the state’s use of coercive force; and the third covers social issues that are not easily understood in terms of personal morality, yet which need not centrally involve the state, e.g. the moral neglect of negligence.


2006 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Kersting

O autor apresenta aborda, primeiramente, a relação entre poder e razão no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, apresenta, no pensamento de Hobbes, a trajetória que se estende da razão impotente do estado de natureza até à razão poderosa do Estado, dispensador de segurança. PALAVRAS-CHAVE – Maquiavel. Hobbes. Poder. Razão. ABSTRACT The author analyses in a first moment the relationship between power and reason in the political thought of Machiavelli. In a second moment, he exposes, according to Hobbes’s political philosophy, the path to be gone through from the powerless reason of the state of nature towards the powerful reason of the State, which grants security. KEY WORDS – Machiavelli. Hobbes. Power. Reason.


2015 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Andrew Comensoli ◽  
Carolyn MacCann

The current study proposes and refines the Appraisals in Personality (AIP) model in a multilevel investigation of whether appraisal dimensions of emotion predict differences in state neuroticism and extraversion. University students (N = 151) completed a five-factor measure of trait personality, and retrospectively reported seven situations from the previous week, giving state personality and appraisal ratings for each situation. Results indicated that: (a) trait neuroticism and extraversion predicted average levels of state neuroticism and extraversion respectively, and (b) five of the examined appraisal dimensions predicted one, or both of the state neuroticism and extraversion personality domains. However, trait personality did not moderate the relationship between appraisals and state personality. It is concluded that appraisal dimensions of emotion may provide a useful taxonomy for quantifying and comparing situations, and predicting state personality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman.His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kiai or ulama. To make a da’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Muridan Muridan

M. Natsir was one of the most prominent figures in religious discourse and movement in Indonesia. He was ada’wa reformer as well as a politician and a statesman. His most well known ideas were about the relationship between Islamand state, Islam and Pancasila, and his idea on da’wa. He stated that a country would be Islamic because of neither itsformal name as an Islamic state nor its Islamic state principles. The principles of the state could be generally formulated aslong as they referred to the Islamic values. Natsir also stated that the essence of Pancasila didn’t contradict with Islam; evensome parts of it went after the goals of Islam. However, it didn’t mean that Pancasila was identical with Islam. In relation toda’wa, he stated that it should be the responsibility of all Muslims, not only the responsibility of kyai or ulama. To make ada’wamovement successful, he suggested that it needed three integrated components; masjid, Islamic boarding school, andcampus.


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