scholarly journals The Future of U.S. China Relations | O Futuro das Relações China - Estados Unidos

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 07-20
Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye Jr.

With the recent possibility of China rising as the world’s most powerful economy and surpassing the US, this paper will explore what is possible to expect for the future. Under these circumstances it is developed how the relationship between the two countries can change the international scene that we know since the end of Cold War.  To comprehend this situation it is compared China and US in terms of: territory; population; army; cultural industries; Universities; non-governmental organizations; and soft power. Despite China’s astounding growth rate, it is argued that China has been facing problems such as an underdeveloped countryside and a rapid urbanization. Furthermore, for the U.S. maybe, in a near future, it will be a hard mission to hold back the power gain of emergent countries. Although, it is clear that China and US are, in terms of commerce, interdependent. It is concluded that this process, in the end, can manage to a positive change that would bring benefits for all countries and the balance of power is decisive for the success or ruin of the relationship between these eastern and western countries.Key-words: China – U.S. Relations; Economic power; Balance of power.  Resumo: Com a recente possiblidade da China se tornar a economia mais poderosa do mundo, ultrapassando os Estados Unidos, esta pesquisa irá explorar o que é possível esperar para o futuro. Dentro desse contexto é desenvolvido como as relações entre esses dois países podem causar mudanças no âmbito internacional, o qual se conhece desde o fim da Guerra Fria. Para compreender essa situação são comparados, China e Estados Unidos, em termos de: território; população; exército; indústria cultural; universidades; organizações não governamentais; e soft power. Apesar da surpreendente taxa de crescimento chinesa, argumenta-se que a China ainda enfrenta problemas como um interior subdesenvolvido e a rápida urbanização. Ademais, para os Estados Unidos talvez, em um futuro próximo, seja difícil a missão de conter o avanço de poder dos países emergentes. Embora, seja claro que a China e os EUA são, em termos de comércio, interdependentes. Conclui-se que este processo, no final, pode causar uma mudança positiva, podendo trazer benefícios para todos os países e o balanço de poder é essencial para o sucesso ou ruína da relação entre os países ocidental e asiático.Palavras-Chave: Relações China-Estados Unidos; Poder econômico; Balanço de Poder.  DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n1p7-20

Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

India’s relationship with the United States remains crucial to its own objectives, but is also ambiguous. The asymmetry of power between the two countries is such that the relationship, if potentially useful, is not necessary for the United States while potentially risky for India. Moreover, the shift of the political centre of gravity of Asia — resulting from the growing rivalry between China and the US — is eroding the foundations of India’s policy in Asia, while prospects for greater economic interaction is limited by India’s slow pace of reforms. The future of India-US relations lies in their capacity to evolve a new quid pro quo in which the US will formulate its expectations in more realistic terms while India would assume a larger share of the burden of Asia’ security.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 426-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen E. Gent ◽  
Mark J. C. Crescenzi ◽  
Elizabeth J. Menninga ◽  
Lindsay Reid

Can concerns for one’s reputation cause non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to alter their behavior to the detriment of achieving their policy goals? To answer this question, we explore the relationship between NGOs and their donors. Our theoretical model reveals that reputation can be a key piece of information in the decision to fund an NGO’s activities. Reputation can become so important to the NGO’s survival that it interferes with the long-term policy goals of the organization. As such, reputations can become a double-edged sword, simultaneously providing the information donors seek while constraining NGOs from realizing policy goals. We apply this logic to the problem of NGO accountability, which has received increasing attention in recent years, and demonstrate that the tools used by donors to improve accountability can trigger unintended consequences. We illustrate this strategic dynamic with two types of NGO activity: water improvement and international crisis mediation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjam Vossen ◽  
Lau Schulpen

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between media frames and public perceptions of global poverty. Building on a frame analysis, the paper reconstructs prevailing poverty narratives in British news articles and non-governmental organizations’ (NGO’s) advertisements between 2011 and 2013. Following this, these narratives are compared with the narratives that emerge from public opinion studies. The findings suggest that there is a strong connection between media frames and public knowledge and perceptions of global poverty. Both the media and the public define poverty in developing countries’ terms of destitute victims, lack of development and bad governance. Both suggest that the causes of poverty are internal to developing countries and imply that there has been little progress in reducing global poverty.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Ruiz ◽  
Oriana Bernasconi

This study analyzes socio-discursive categories used to define and classify the political violence exerted in Chilean human rights reports (1974–1978) to understand the emergence of the repertoire of repression and the construction of victimhood as a social recognition and communicative process in Latin America during the 1970s. These reports are addressed as a professional discursive genre produced by non-governmental organizations whose purpose is to denounce the violation of human rights in the context of political controversies as well as in the Chilean totalitarian context. The discursive genre is characterized by objectivity, the credibility of the information, the event-based approach, the use of statistics to establish the type and magnitude of the violation of human rights. The corpus analyzed consists of 44 reports belonging to human rights archives. The statistical section and comments were coded according to narrative categories (participants, action, cause, time and space). The results show the predominance of the legal perspective to classify the violation of human rights, the emergence of the category of enforced disappearance, the relationship with the socio-political context and the categories elaborated to identify patterns of violation of human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi ◽  
Adam Saud

In contemporary times, the geo-political agenda and geo-economic strategy of the world is being dominated by the ongoing US-China hegemonic competition. Where the United States is trying to prolong the ‘unipolar moment’ and deter the rise of China; China is trying to establish itself as the hegemon in the Eastern hemisphere, an alternate to the US. The entirely opposite interests of the two Great Powers have initiated a hostile confrontational competition for domination. This paper seeks to determine the future nature of the US-China relations; will history repeat itself and a bloody war be fought to determine the leader of the pack? or another prolonged Cold War will be fought, which will end when one side significantly weakens and collapses? Both dominant paradigms of International Relations, Realism and Liberalism, are used to analyze the future nature of the US-China relations.


Author(s):  
A Subotin

Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.


Author(s):  
Peter Marks

This chapter deals with of recent novels and films that project forward into the near future, suggesting where surveillance might be heading. In Kim Stanley Robinson’s 2312, surveillance is figured into a future world of interplanetary environmentalism, in protecting planets and helping to monitor the ‘rewilding’ of an environmentally devastated Earth. Neill Blomkamp’s film Elysium fashions another Earth under environmental stress, patrolled by stringent surveillance operatives and systems that also screen the put-upon inhabitants from the eponymous eutopian space station literally and metaphorically above them. The film concentrates on the utopian urges of that population in their endeavour to overcome oppressive monitoring and receive medical treatment reserved for those on Elysium. Dave Eggers conjures up an apparently eutopian hi-tech company, The Circle, in his novel of the same name, representing how new technologies manipulate data and images for economic, social and political control. Spike Jonze’s film Her explores the relationship between surveillance and intimacy through the interaction between a human and an operating system. As with Eggers’ The Circle, Her investigates how data confuses definitions of identities as it allows for the fusion of surveillance and intimacy. These novels and films suggest some of the ways in which new forms of surveillance promise or threaten to fashion the worlds of the future. As with all such texts, they suggest options and present narratives and characters that enable readers and viewers to think and act so that the future approximates the eutopian rather than the dystopian.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-235
Author(s):  
Evangelia Siachou ◽  
Panagiotis Gkorezis ◽  
Faith Adeosun

PurposeThe purpose of the present study was to examine the relationship between empowering leadership and volunteers' service capability in the context of nongovernmental organizations. In doing so, the mediating role of intention to share knowledge was highlighted.Design/methodology/approachData were collected from volunteers from two non-governmental organizations (NGOs) operating in Greece through a web-survey tool. To test our hypotheses, we used bootstrapping analysis.FindingsOur study provides support for the positive effect of empowering leadership (EL) on volunteers' service capability. In addition, we highlighted volunteers' intention to share their knowledge as an underlying mechanism that explains the above relationship.Originality/valueThe present study highlights the important role of EL in increasing service capability in the context of NGOs. Even more, the mediating role of intention to share knowledge provided new knowledge into why EL affects employees' extra-role behavior and more specifically, service capability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-134
Author(s):  
Aris Komporozos-Athanasiou ◽  
Nina Papachristou

In this interview with UCL’s Aris Komporozos-Athanasiou, Lefteris Papagiannakis explains his role as Athens’ vice mayor for migrants and refugees. He discusses the city’s responses to the arrival of thousands of refugees and migrants in the last few years. He reflects on the complex relationship of the municipality of Athens with non-government support networks, such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs), international organizations, as well as autonomous local activists, in providing support services to migrants. Papagiannakis also addresses how Athens negotiates its support for these groups in the current European anti-immigrant climate, and the relationship between the Greek economic crisis and the so-called “refugee crisis.”


Author(s):  
Schabas William A

This chapter comments on Article 16 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Article 16 addresses the tension that may exist between the Court and the Security Council, where the latter is of the view that a prosecution should not proceed. The Security Council can also refer a situation to the Court, but the Prosecutor is under no obligation to proceed. Finally, the relationship between the Court and the Security Council may arise should the Court be empowered to exercise jurisdiction over the crime of aggression. As the travaux préparatoires indicate, the relationship between the Court and the Security Council was extremely contentious. Article 16 represents a compromise but one with which many States were not pleased. Moreover, international human rights non-governmental organizations opposed article 16, viewing it as an unacceptable encroachment upon the independence of the Court.


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