scholarly journals KETIDAKSTABILAN KAWASAN DAN PENINGKATAN PERAN AMERIKA SERIKAT DI ASIA TIMUR PASCA PERANG DINGIN

Author(s):  
Ni Luh Bayu Purwa Eka Payani

ABSTRAKSetelah Perang Dingin berakhir, AS mulai menguasai dunia baik dari segi ideologi maupun pengaruh lainnya. Asia Timur merupakan salah satu medan peperangan antara ideologi liberal dan komunis, yang sampai saat ini ketegangan antar negara masih terjadi. Situasi yang tidak pasti dan tidak stabil membuat AS sebagai pemenang perang serta aliansi dari Jepang dan Korea Selatan, ikut campur dalam mengatur pemetaan keamanan di kawasan tersebut. Ketidakstabilan muncul saat negara-negara di kawasan berusaha untuk melakukan military build-up untuk mengimbangi kekuatan negara lain, konflik-konflik internal antar negara, serta provokasi senjata nuklir Korea Utara yang tidak hanya mengancam kawasan tetapi juga AS. Untuk menghadapi ini, AS perlu meningkatkan perannya dalam menjawab ketidakstabilan keamanan di kawasan Asia Timur.Kata kunci: ketidakstabilan, keamanan regional, aliansi militer.ABSTRACTAfter The Cold War ended, US started to dominate the whole world with its ideology and other influences. East Asia is one of the battlefields between Liberal and Communist Ideology, which is until now; the tense is still felt among the countries. The uncertain and unstable situation made US as a victor and close alliance to Japan and South Korea to intervene in setting security map in the region. Instability emerges when the countries within region try to build their military up (military buildup) to offset one another, internal conflicts between countries, and nuclear provocation by North Korea, which is not only threatening region but also the US existence in the region. To encounter these challenges, US needs to increase its role in settling instability in East Asia.Keywords: instability, regional security, military alliance

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-306
Author(s):  
Sunwoo Lee

Abstract Chi Ki-ch’ŏl’s story reveals a man not driven by ideology, but buffeted by it. He began adulthood as a Korean exile in Manchuria, where the Japanese occupation army conscripted him. After Japan’s defeat in August 1945, he joined a Korean contingent of the Chinese Communist Army and fought in the Chinese Civil War. His unit later repatriated to North Korea, where it joined the invasion of South Korea on 25 June 1950. When U.S.-led forces of the United Nations shattered that invasion in September, he quickly arranged to surrender to U.S. troops. While in custody, Chi worked with Republic of Korea (rok) intelligence to organize prisoner of war (pow) resistance to their being returned to North Korea after the impending armistice. He enjoyed privileges as an anti-Communist in the pow camps, and hoped it would continue. Although an active anti-Communist, Chi judged that he would not be able to live in South Korea as an ex-pow. After refusing repatriation to North Korea, he also rejected staying in South Korea. But Chi would survive elsewhere. He relocated to India, where he thrived as a businessman. He chose the space of neutrality to succeed as an anti-Communist, where life nevertheless reflected the contentious energy of the Cold War. Chi’s decision demonstrated how ideology, despite its importance to him, was not sufficient to translate his rejection of Communist North Korea into a commitment to South Korea.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 177-199
Author(s):  
Chih-Yu Shih

Confucian friendship adds to the literature on friendship distance sensibilities and aims to maintain and even reinforce the Confucian ethical order, whereas contemporary international politics fails to provide any clear ethical order. The use of friendship and the concomitant creation of a friendly role by China indicate an intended move away from the improper order, including the tributary system, the Cold War, imperialism, and socialism. Confucian friendship continues to constitute contemporary Chinese diplomacy under the circumstance of indeterminate distance sensibilities. It highlights the relevance of the prior relations that are perceived to have constituted friendship. This article explores several illustrative practices of a Confucian typology of friendly international relations, divided into four kinds of friendship, according to (1) the strength of prior relations and (2) the asymmetry of capacity, including the policies toward Russia, North Korea, and Vietnam, among others. Such a Confucian friendship framework additionally alludes to foreign policy analysis in general. The US policies for China and North Korea are examples that indicate this wide scope of application.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 631-657
Author(s):  
Suzy Kim

Feminism, both as theory and praxis, has long grappled with the dilemma of sex difference—whether to celebrate women’s “difference” from men as offering a more emancipatory potential or to challenge those differences as man-made in the process of delineating modern sexed subjects. While this debate may be familiar within contemporary feminist discourses, communist feminisms that stretched across the Cold War divide were no less conflicted about what to do with sex difference, most explicitly represented by sexual violence and biological motherhood. Even as communist states implemented top-down, often paternalistic measures, such policies were carried out ostensibly to elevate women’s status as a form of state feminism professing equality for the sexes. Comparing North Korea with China, this article explores how communist feminisms attempted to tackle the dilemma of sexual difference. Through an intertextual reading of two of the most popular revolutionary operas in 1970s communist East Asia—The Flower Girl from North Korea and The White-Haired Girl from China—it attends to the diverse strategies in addressing the “woman question” and the possibilities as well as limits opened up by communist feminisms.


2017 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 433-457
Author(s):  
Jinhee Park

Abstract This article examines autobiographic documentaries about families that expose “dissensus” in the mapping of transborder migration and diasporic desire that were the results of the Cold War in North Korea, South Korea, and Japan. Jae-hee Hong (dir. My Father’s Emails) and Yong-hi Yang (dir. Dear Pyongyang and Goodbye Pyongyang) document the ongoing Cold War in their fathers’ histories through their position as a “familial other,” who embodies both dissensus and intimacy. Hong reveals that anticommunism in South Korean postwar nation building reverberated in the private realm. Yang documents her Zainichi father, who sent his sons to North Korea during the Repatriation Campaign in Japan. The anticommunist father in South Korea (Hong’s) and the communist father in Japan (Yang’s) engendered family migration with contrasting motivations, departure from and return to North Korea, respectively. Juxtaposing these two opposite ideologies in family histories, as well as juxtaposing the filmmakers’ dissonance with the given ideologies in domestic space, provide the aesthetic form for “dissensus.” The politics of aesthetics in domestic ethnography manifests in that the self and the Other are inextricably interlocked because of the reciprocity of the filmmaker and the communist or anticommunist subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-152
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fawwaz Syafiq Rizqullah ◽  
Luna Tristofa ◽  
Devia Farida Ramadhanti

This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

East Asia, until recently a boiling pot of massacre and blood-letting, has achieved relative peace. A region that at the height of the Cold War had accounted for around 80 percent of the world’s mass atrocities has experienced such a decline in violence that by 2015 it accounted for less than 5 percent. This book explains East Asia’s “other” miracle and asks whether it is merely a temporary blip in the historical cycle or the dawning of a new, and more peaceful, era for the region. It argues that the decline of mass atrocities in East Asia resulted from four interconnected factors: the consolidation of states and emergence of responsible sovereigns; the prioritization of economic development through trade; the development of norms and habits of multilateralism; and transformations in the practice of power politics. Particular attention is paid to North Korea and Myanmar, countries whose experience has bucked regional trends largely because these states have not succeeded in consolidating themselves to the point where they no longer depend on violence to survive. Although the region faces several significant future challenges, this book argues that the much reduced incidence of mass atrocities in East Asia is likely to be sustained into the foreseeable future.


Author(s):  
Andrew Yeo

Chapter 2 recounts the origins of bilateralism in Asia and the legitimization of the US-led hub-and-spokes system among Asian elites during the Cold War. It also outlines the rise of ASEAN in the 1960s. Exploring postwar US alliances forged with the Philippines, Japan, South Korea, Australia, and Thailand, I demonstrate how material threats, institutions, and ideas interact to produce an alliance consensus among political elites in Asia. Despite periodic domestic opposition to US alliances, and the weakness of ASEAN, the hub-and-spokes system and ASEAN become entrenched over time.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-44
Author(s):  
M. Najeri Al Syahrin

This article will explain the regional security complex as a key challenge in the establishment of regional security cooperation in East Asia. The complex of security in East Asia described by explaining the security relations between North Korea and South Korea, China and Japan, the United States with Japan, and China with the United States and a pattern of chain reaction to the various security policies of these countries. This security complex makes it difficult to establish effective regional security cooperation. The Challenge of the regional security complex that most decisive in the formation of cooperation that will be done by the countries of the East Asia region is due to competition and differences of interests between the United States and China as a superpower state in the region. In addition, the many differences in the nature and orientation of political interests of Japan, South Korea, and North Korea are also still a constraint in the formation of regional security organizations and cooperation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 286-295
Author(s):  
Rana Danish Nisar

This paper provides a brief description of the estranged relations, ideological differences, divergences in national interests, initial misunderstandings and ups & down in the relations between two democracies - India and the US - during the Cold War period. After the WWII, an ideological clash dubbed “Cold War” started between two competing powers: the US and the USSR. During the Cold War era, both states went at great lengths to expand their ideologies into the Asian region and its periphery. The US formed security blocs and provided substantial financial aid to Asian countries in an attempt to contain the expansion of communist ideology of its main rival (the USSR) in the Asian region. After India gained independence, the US pressured the Indian leadership into joining the US bloc against the communist Soviet Union. On the other side, the USSR built Warsaw Pact and tried to enroll the newly born states, such as India and Pakistan, in its bloc to counter the US course of action. However, India was not disposed to join any blocs, the US bloc above all, and entered the Non-Alignment Movement. The Indian leadership supported the catchphrase “Asia for Asians” and condemned the involvement of extra-regional powers, such as the US, in Asian regional matters.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-37
Author(s):  
Gabriela-Nicoleta Dragne

The alliance belt between Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and Iraq led to the creation of the political-military bloc nicknamed the Baghdad Pact, which aimed to limit Soviet expansionism to the warm seas and the Gulf and to ensure peace and security in the Middle East region.Another trio of non-Arab states in the East: Turkey, Israel and Iran formed an influential military alliance in the late 1950s under the name of the Phantom Pact or the Peripheral Alliance in order to coordinate the activity of the three secret intelligence services, to coordinate their activities. express their anti-Soviet stance and maintain regional security. Equally, Turkey's involvement in regional affairs played an essential role. Today, the presence of the UN in the area, is facing a new danger of our times: terrorism.


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