scholarly journals Emigracja ukraińska w Rzeczypospolitej dwudziestolecia międzywojennego: w kierunku rozwoju własnej tożsamości

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-205
Author(s):  
Olha Yaruchyk
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The Political ◽  
Educational Activities ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Scientific Life

The article considers the political, legal, economic and cultural life of the Ukrainian political and artistic emigration on the territory of the Polish state in the interwar period. It describes the activity of the Ukrainian Central Committee, the only official institution in Poland at that time, which represented the interests of Ukrainian emigrants, and the carried out cultural and educational activities in emigration centres. The focus is on Warsaw, which was the largest centre of social and scientific life as well as a cultural and educational centre of Ukrainian emigration. 

scholarly journals IVAN KRYPIAKEVYCH AND THE POLITICAL EMIGRANTS OF NADDNIPRIANSHCHYNA: RELATIONS AND COOPERATION (1910 – 1930)

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 150-177
Author(s):  
Ivan PATER
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Cultural Rights ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
The People ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
North Western

The study deals with Ivan Krypiakevych's relations with political emigrants of Naddniprianshchyna during the Ukrainian people's struggle for the state and national-cultural rights. Emphasis is placed on his first acquaintance with the people of Naddniprianshchyna at the scientific courses of 1904 in Lviv, participation in the work of the student "Academic Community" and the society "Prosvita", at M. Hrushevskyi's historical seminar, and most importantly, in the struggle for Ukrainian university. For the latter, he was arrested along with other Ukrainian students, including Naddniprianshchyna residents. In the pre-war years, the historian actively cooperated with political immigrants, especially in honoring Taras Shevchenko's memory as a manifestation of the national unity of Halychyna and Naddniprianshchyna, to which some of his publications are devoted. Emphasis is placed on the scientist's close cooperation during the war with the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine (ULU), in particular on his activities in the Bureau of Cultural Aid for the people of the Ukrainian north-western regions occupied by the Central Powers. The scientist's schooling work is shown and activities in the national and cultural life of Volyn and Kholm. He published about 30 articles in periodicals, including the ULU's editions, on historical topics, which covered the political and cultural life of the occupied Ukrainian lands, their destruction, and evacuation of the locals during the retreat of Russian troops. I. Krypiakevych's reaction to the actions of the Ukrainian Central Rada, its successes and disadvantages, in particular to the agrarian reform, organization of the army and schooling, his participation in the preparation of materials for the Ukrainian delegation at the Treaty of Brest negotiations are analyzed. His attitude to the Ukrainian State of P. Skoropadskyi, its achievements are clarified: acquisition of borders, the formation of a new army, organization of the financial system, diplomatic service, high school; and mistakes: failure to solve the agrarian issue, organization of anti-peasant punitive expeditions, insufficient streamlining of school affairs, issuance of a federal declaration; to the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic. The author highlights I. Krypiakevych's connections with scholars-historians and politicians of Naddniprianshchyna in the interwar period, relating to the Hetman-monarchical organization in Halychyna and the establishment of a conservative-state direction in Ukrainian historiography. Keywords: Ivan Krypiakevych, political emigration of Naddniprianshchyna, Ukrainian statehood, Ukrainian historiography.

“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969

2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.

Iz istorije obrazovanja odraslih u Bosni i Hercegovini i najznačajnije ustanove i delatnosti (1918-1941)

2019 ◽  
pp. 75-102
Author(s):  
Željko Bralić ◽  
Ljubinka Katić
Keyword(s):  
Adult Education ◽  
Bosnia And Herzegovina ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
General Level ◽  
Educational Goals ◽  
Educational Activities ◽  
Education Practice ◽  
Archival Documents

The work contents a presentation of the main outcomes of an extensive historical-andragogical research, mainly based on the archival documents kept in Archives of Yugoslavia. An overview of adult education practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina is shaped from the documents data concerning the most signifcant institutions and activities organized as an attempt to contribute to general educational goals in Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes – Yugoslavia between two wars, through andragogical educational activities: raising the general level of literacy and education of wide sections of the population. Institutional basis of adult education praxis at the time mostly rested upon literacy courses, people’s universities, cultural-educational societies, etc. This paper especially distinguishes andragogical activity of momentous and respectable Sarajevo-based cultural-educational establishments (People’s university, Gajret, Prosveta, Napredak), that were amongst the most signifcant and successful in Yugoslavia, and represented example of model work in adult education of the interwar period.

De standenvertegenwoordiging in de Christelijke Volkspartij en de Parti Social Chrétien

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-127
Author(s):  
Jozef Smits
Keyword(s):  
Organizational Structure ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Political Position ◽  
New Methods ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
General Elections

The in 1945 established Christian Social Party (The Flemish CVP and the French speaking PSC) showed some important differences in comparison with the prewar Catholic Party. The structure of the CVP-PSC was unitary, based upon individual membership instead of the prewar federation of « estates » (standen) . With this unitary structure, the founding fathers of the CVP-PSC tried to avoid the conflicts between the estates, a permanent cause of criticism and disurtity in the Catholic Partyduring the interwar period. In spite of the new organizational structure of the CVP-PSC, new methods of informal recognition of the estates were introduced for the aggregation of their claims and their representation within the party.The way this informal recognition of the estates in the CVP-PSC was solved, is briefly described in the first part of this article. Subsequent to the survey of the evolution of the political position of the estates and their relation to the CVP-PSC, the composition of the lists of candidates in the CVP-PSC for the general elections of 8 november 1981 is discussed.  Special attention is paid to the balancing in number and the ranking ofcandidates from the estates. Finally, the representation of the estates in the parliamentary group of the CVP-PSC is calculated for the general elections of 1974, 1977, 1978 and 1981.

المساعي السياسية والإصلاحية للإمام أبي الوليد الباجي

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 537-548
Author(s):  
Sebbane Habib ◽  
Omar Boukhri
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Umayyad Caliphate ◽  
Scientific Life

After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate, the Andalusian Islamic state witnessed a political rupture as a result of chaos, rivalries and sectarian conflicts throughout the fifth century AH corresponding to the eleventh century AD. These dangerous security breakdowns led to the disintegration and division of the Islamic Caliphate in Andalusia into a group of independent kingdoms and small emirates which ultimately found themselves on one hand in permanent wars between them, and on the other in skirmishes with the neighbouring Christian forces. This fact contributed to lack of stability and peace of these lands and the establishment of weak governing systems for a long time. This political situation stressed the worsening of their social conditions and their scientific life. Nevertheless, this situation generated a motivating nostalgia and rage in some scholars and jurists such as Imam Abū al-Walīd al-Bājī who is considered one of the key-figures and scholars of Andalusia. He had a prominent role in pushing forward and reviving scientific life by setting various new foundations in order to reform some fields. His writings were directed for educational purposes. Besides, he included the reform of Islamic jurisprudence, which was aimed primarily for jurists and rulers. Furthermore, some of his writings were sermons and ethical moral instructions for commoners. His endeavours led him to enter the political life as he assumed the judicial profession of a judge, that enabled him to be in more touch with the various kings of sects giving him the chance to advise and guide them. His efforts in that end resulted in seeking to reunite the kings of the sects and their princes under the banner of Islam and unite their forces for the defence of Muslim presence in Andalusia against the Christian threat.

„Balkan-Wien“ – Versuch einer Verflechtungsgeschichte der politischen Emigration aus den Balkanländern im Wien der Zwischenkriegszeit (1918–1934) / “Balkan Vienna” – Reflections on an Histoire croisée of Political Emigration from the Balkans to Vienna during the Interwar Period (1918–1934)

2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-305 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Jens Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
External View ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Press ◽  
Mental Map

Abstract This paper follows “Balkan Vienna”, a media phenomenon as well as a media construct created both by the Viennese press and from the perspective of the Balkans themselves. The decline of the once brilliant capital of the great empire into a hotbed of revolutionaries and terrorists was recorded in Belgrade with scorn and fear. In Vienna, the press addressed these events in terms that sought to distance the capital from the southeast. However, at the same time the Viennese press admired the political activists from the Balkans, exoticising them as heroes. Thus, the press externalised Austrian domestic contradictions through their discussions of Balkan politics. By reporting scandal and sleaze, the press perpetuated the image of Vienna as a refuge for revolutionary activities and “typical Balkan” violence. “Balkan Vienna” is thus a social and political place, one of local, national, transnational, Balkanic and European linkages. As such, it is part of a new discourse, which relocates the internal and external view of Vienna and Austria on the mental map of Europe.

scholarly journals Ernst Jünger e o demônio da técnica: modernidade e reacionarismo

2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (35) ◽  
pp. 246-273
Author(s):  
Victor de Oliveira Pinto Coelho
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
The Political ◽  
Intellectual Tradition ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
Political Mythology ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Sacrifice

ABSTRACT The theme of this article is Ernst Jünger’s work in the interwar period, especially the essay The Worker (1932). Our focus is to point out, in the Jüngerian appropriation of technique, its character of anti-liberal political mythology. We dialogue with the political and intellectual horizon of the time (including authors such as Simmel, Kracauer and Benjamin), seeking to establish a problematization framework about the technique in Germany, where also emerges the so-called “Conservative Revolutionary Movement.” We point out in Jünger’s work the relationship between the “type” or “figure of the worker” and the notion of the sacrifice of individuality in favor of the total mobilization of technique, in the terms of reactionary modernism. Finally, as there are no references to authors and works in The Worker, we raise the hypothesis of an underlying dialogue with the intellectual tradition of Romanticism by confronting Jünger’s work with the theme of “asymptotic completion” (Lacoue-Labarthe) -the impossibility, in modern times, of sustaining a pre-established harmony.

scholarly journals The Reconstruction of the European Mind: T. S. Eliot’s Criterion and the Idea of Europe

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeroen Vanheste
Keyword(s):  
Interwar Period ◽  
Specific Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Identity ◽  
Hugo Von Hofmannsthal ◽  
Jose Ortega Y Gasset ◽  
European Culture ◽  
European Tradition ◽  
Political Events ◽  
European Values

T. S. Eliot was the founder and editor of the Criterion, a literary and cultural review with a European focus that was published during the interwar period. The Criterion functioned as a platform for intellectuals with a shared perception of European culture and European identity. It was part of a network of European periodicals that facilitated an intellectual exchange between writers and thinkers with a common orientation. Examples of other reviews in the Criterion network were the Nouvelle Revue Française from France, La Fiera Letteraria and Il Convegno from Italy, the Revista de Occidente from Spain (edited by José Ortega y Gasset), and Die Neue Rundschau, the Europäische Revue, and the Neue deutsche Beiträge (edited by Hugo von Hofmannsthal) from Germany. In this article, I investigate the specific role the Criterion network of reviews and intellectuals played as an infrastructure for the dissemination of ideas about European culture during the interwar period. I also discuss the content of these ideas about the ‘European mind’. As to the latter, I suggest that Eliot positioned himself as well as his magazine in the European tradition of humanist thinking. Unfortunately, the Criterion’s ambition for a reconstruction of the European mind would dissipate as the European orientation of the 1920s was displaced by the political events of the 1930s. Eliot and his Criterion network expressed a Europeanism that has often been overlooked in recent research. The ideas discussed in this network remain interesting in our time, in which discussions about European values and European identity are topical. What is also highly interesting is the role cultural reviews played during the interwar period as a medium for exchanging such ideas.

scholarly journals THE HOBBESIAN TURN

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (55-56) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Joseph Margolis
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Creative Expression ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Aesthetic ◽  
Western Politics

The “Hobbesian turn” is an invention out of whole cloth, a device by which to oppose the usually supposed autonomy of the aesthetic, the moral, the political, and the factual; to recover the collective holism of civilizational (or enlanguaged cultural) life; to feature the existential historicity of the human career, which is incompatible with any strict universalism and all the forms of transcendentalism; hence, also, to feature the adequacy of a contingent Lebensform in collecting the affinities of creative expression and agentive commitment within the terms of human solidarity; to abandon strict universality and necessary synthetic truths; and to favour the fluxive world of pragmatist construction rather than the indemonstrable fixities of rationalism and transcendentalism. The article proceeds largely by examining aspects of Picasso’s career and the history of Western politics spanning the sixteenth century to the present.

scholarly journals On the question of the language aspect of the school reform of 1958: Ukrainian and All-Union realities

2021 ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Elena Yu. Borisenok ◽  
Keyword(s):  
School Reform ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Education System ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Question ◽  
Communication Space ◽  
Political Scene

The article analyzes the linguistic aspects of the “Khrushchev” school reform of 1958, as well as the reasons and goals of language transformations, which are little studied in the modern historiography. Compared to the interwar period, the situation has changed. In the 1920s, the policy of korenization was carried out in the conditions of the “capitalist environment” and demonstrated an “exemplary solution” to the national question. In 1958, Poland was no longer one of the main enemies, the need for a “showcase” had disappeared, the agents of Stalin’s national policy had left the political scene. The language component of the school reform made it easier for representatives of national republics to get education in central universities and to advance their career. But the language of the so-called titular nation was not completely excluded from the education system, the communication space, and the humanities. It can be argued that there were opponents of the reform (especially among the humanitarian intelligentsia) and supporters of the reform, who took advantage of the new opportunities. The course proposed by the school reform of 1958 was a kind of method of Sovietization and integration while preserving / recognizing the national diversity of the country’s population.

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