المساعي السياسية والإصلاحية للإمام أبي الوليد الباجي

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 537-548
Author(s):  
Sebbane Habib ◽  
Omar Boukhri
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Umayyad Caliphate ◽  
Scientific Life

After the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate, the Andalusian Islamic state witnessed a political rupture as a result of chaos, rivalries and sectarian conflicts throughout the fifth century AH corresponding to the eleventh century AD. These dangerous security breakdowns led to the disintegration and division of the Islamic Caliphate in Andalusia into a group of independent kingdoms and small emirates which ultimately found themselves on one hand in permanent wars between them, and on the other in skirmishes with the neighbouring Christian forces. This fact contributed to lack of stability and peace of these lands and the establishment of weak governing systems for a long time. This political situation stressed the worsening of their social conditions and their scientific life. Nevertheless, this situation generated a motivating nostalgia and rage in some scholars and jurists such as Imam Abū al-Walīd al-Bājī who is considered one of the key-figures and scholars of Andalusia. He had a prominent role in pushing forward and reviving scientific life by setting various new foundations in order to reform some fields. His writings were directed for educational purposes. Besides, he included the reform of Islamic jurisprudence, which was aimed primarily for jurists and rulers. Furthermore, some of his writings were sermons and ethical moral instructions for commoners. His endeavours led him to enter the political life as he assumed the judicial profession of a judge, that enabled him to be in more touch with the various kings of sects giving him the chance to advise and guide them. His efforts in that end resulted in seeking to reunite the kings of the sects and their princes under the banner of Islam and unite their forces for the defence of Muslim presence in Andalusia against the Christian threat.

scholarly journals Islam's Attitude towards Democracy Comparative Study in International Human Rights Law

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Suhail Hussein Al-Fatlawi
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Fifth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
The People ◽  
History Of ◽  
Muslim Scholars

<p>Democracy was established in the Greek cities in the fifth century B.C. It is a liberal western system. In this regard, various Islamic countries applied democracy as a political and legal system where the people elect their representatives in the legislative authority in order to put the legal regulations that organize the human behavior.</p>The research included a brief idea about liberal democracy, its history and objectives, the political and legal system in the Islamic state, the dispute among Muslim scholars on the application of democracy in the Islamic states; some Muslim scholars refuse to apply democracy since the legal system in Islam relies on the Holly Qor'an and the Prophet's speeches, which are a biding regulation for Muslims, while other authors believe that Islam accepts democracy and others think that Islam should have its special democracy that differs from the liberal democracy. This paper discussed the political and legal systems that were applied the Islamic state during the history of Islam. Finally the paper presented the most conclusions and recommendations reached by the researcher.

ENTREPRENEURS OF THE CENTRAL BLACK EARTH REGION IN 1917 - EARLY 1918

2021 ◽  
pp. 82-88
Author(s):  
Mikhail E. Razinkov
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mutual Benefit ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Soviet Historiography

On the basis of published and previously unexplored archival materials from Voronezh, Orel, Kursk, Tambov, Bryansk, the self-organization and relationship with the government of entrepreneurs of the Central Black Earth Region in the period from spring 1917 to summer 1918 is studied. Studying this social group is important for understanding the balance of power in the region. The author comes to the conclusion that entrepreneurs, despite their active participation in political life in the spring and summer of 1917, due to the preservation of traditional ideas about power and the desire to protect and enhance their rights, could not have a significant impact on the development of the political situation in the region. Entrepreneurs did not enjoy exclusive support from government bodies, including government, which refutes the concept that existed in Soviet historiography about the bourgeois nature of the February regime. Moreover, in resolving conflicts, the authorities in 1917 tried to take into account, first of all, the interests of workers. This situation worsened even more for the bourgeoisie with the coming to power of the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who not only supported workers&#x27; demands, but also openly robbed entrepreneurs with the help of indemnities. Nevertheless, in order to maintain peace, the Soviet government (especially by the summer of 1918) tried to resolve relations between workers and employers for mutual benefit. At the same time, during the period under study, conflicts between workers and employers reached a high intensity relatively rarely, leaving room for agreements and dialogue, which, however, narrowed.

III. ‘Al-Hind’ India and Indonesia in the Islamic World-Economy, c. 700–1800 A.D.

Itinerario ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Wink
Keyword(s):  
Eleventh Century ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
North India ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Indonesian Archipelago ◽  
Political Unity ◽  
Abbasid Caliphate ◽  
Extended Scale ◽  
Vast Area

In the aftermath of the Islamic conquests of the seventh and early eighth centuries the territory which came under effective domination of the caliphate extended from the Iberian peninsula and North Africa to Central Asia and into the Persian-Indian borderland of Sind which for three centuries remained its easternmost frontier. Beyond Sind a vast area was left unconquered which the Arabs calledal-Hindand which, in their conception, embraced both India and the Indianised states of the Indonesian archipelago and Southeast Asia. In the countless kingdoms ofal-Hindthe Muslims penetrated, up to the eleventh century, only as traders. By the time that Islamic power was established in North India the political unity of the Abbasid caliphate was already lost. Neither India nor Indonesia were provinces of the classical Islamic state. But in the Middle East three decisive developments had occurred and these created patterns which were to survive the political fragmentation of the empire. Most important was that a thoroughly commercialized and monetised economy with a bureaucracy and a fiscal polity had been established which continued to expand. Secondly, from the ninth century onwards, the Islamic military-bureaucratic apparatus had begun to be staffed with imported slaves on an extended scale. And thirdly, from its Arab roots the Islamic conquest state had shifted to a Persianised foundation, adopting Persian culture and the Sassanid tradition of monarchy and statecraft.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian People’s Gromada in the Civil War: Ukrainian Conservatives, Russian Statists, or Little Russian Patriots?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anton Chemakin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central State ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Short Period ◽  
State Archives

This article is devoted to the Ukrainian People’s Gromada (UPG), the organization of Little Russian landlords which played a prominent part in the political life of Ukraine and South Russia during the Civil War. Ukrainian historiography treats the UPG as an organisation of Ukrainian conservatives and assigns it the key role in the Hetman coup d’état of April 1918. There is also a widespread opinion that the Gromada was dissolved immediately after Hetman P. P. Skoropadsky took power. This work aims to reconsider traditional views on UPG and, with reference to new archival sources, prove the following: the role of the Gromada in the coup d’état was exaggerated considerably; the UPG continued to exist after Skoropadsky took power; and one can doubt the “Ukrainian” nature of the organisation, despite its name. Based on Skoropadsky’s memoirs and the accounts of other witnesses, as well as some German sources, the author proves that the Gromada was not the leading force in the coup d’état, but only the organisation which prepared lists of candidates to be included in the new government. The sources kept in the Central State Archives of the Supreme Bodies of Power and Government of Ukraine and the Hoover Institution Archives that are devoted to the activities of the UPG from the summer of 1918 to the spring of 1919 have not been made public previously. After the directorate seized power, the leaders of the Gromada fled from Kiev to Odessa. There they took part in local political intrigues and tried to distance themselves from Hetman Skoropadsky and the project of the Ukrainian state. The UPG leaders, who had previously viewed themselves as Ukrainian “samostiyniks”, now proclaimed that they were not Ukrainians, but Little Russians and “Russian statists”. An attempt is made to analyse the reasons why UPG members moved from the Russian political camp to the Ukrainian one and back several times in a comparatively short period. Based on research in the field of “nationalism studies”, the author concludes that the Gromada members had traditional, pre-modern views on the nation (in this case as a corporation of Little Russian nobility), which, together with their desire to adapt to the ever-changing political situation and fight for their privileges and economic interests, made it possible for them to keep joining Russian and Ukrainian nationalists interchangeably without perceiving their actions as national treason. The study of this topic makes it possible to address the Little Russian nobility’s behaviour in the Civil War and their attempts to integrate into Ukrainian or Russian national projects.

scholarly journals Jihad Between Islamic Jurisprudence and Practice of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Rebaz R. Khdir
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Differences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Spiritual Struggle ◽  
Political Purpose ◽  
Islamic Jurisprudence ◽  
Islamic Countries ◽  
Global War ◽  
Modern Era ◽  
Self Defence

Islam is the extension of the monotheistic religions. It essentially claims for peace and tranquility but also allows war in some circumstances. War in Islam is referred to as jihad. However, jihad is border and includes spiritual struggle as well. Classical Islamic scholars interpreted combative jihad as self-defence against aggression and global war to spread Islam. The majority of modern scholars consider the political and cultural differences between the early periods of Islam and modern era. They interpret the concept as only self-defence and ask Muslims to resort to civil means to convey their message. However, some scholars and groups still follow the classical interpretation of the concept. Scholars generally set forth some preconditions for combative jihad. The preconditions are the existence of a reason, a purpose, permission of a legitimate ruler and adherence to humanitarian rules. ISIS launched intensive military attacks against the Islamic countries of Iraq and Syria between 2013 and 2014 and captured large areas after committing many atrocities and devastating the two countries. The group eventually announced an Islamic Caliphate and identified Abubakr al-Bagdadi as the Caliph. It later asked Muslims to pledge allegiance to its Caliph and join its ranks. This article argues that the ISIS war does not satisfy the Islamic jurisprudential conditions to be qualified as jihad because the group waged its war based on no religious reason for a political purpose without the authorization of a legitimate Islamic ruler and outside of the confines of the humanitarian rules.

The Establishment of Elective Institutions in Senegal, 1869–1880

1968 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. O. Idowu
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
West Africa ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Group ◽  
French West Africa ◽  
Long Time ◽  
French Colonies ◽  
Military Posts

As the oldest and, for a long time, the most important French possession in West Africa, Senegal occupied a privileged position among the French West African colonies. This exceptional status was boosted by the elective institutions conceded to the colony between 1870 and 1880, namely, municipal organization, a conseil général, and deputy representation.In 1870, ‘Senegal’ was no more than a congeries of scattered military posts and trading stations. By far the most important of these establishments were the quatre communes, famous for their special legal status and their privileged inhabitants, made up of the French and the mulattoes, who controlled the political situation, and the Senegalese. By 1870 the colony had acquired some of the important ingredients which could accelerate the growth of political consciousness: a relatively good communications network; growing urban centres; a developing élite, made up largely of traders and agents of the Bordeaux commercial firms who controlled the economic situation; and an administrative regime which had little or no place for unofficial representation.The élite demanded a conseil général which alone, they felt, could protect their interests effectively. The outcome of their agitation was determined by three main factors: their influence; the attitude of the local administration, notorious for its hostility to elective institutions; and political vicissitudes in France. The institutions were conceded in the 1870s; that is, during the first years of the Third Republic, when the policy of assimilation began to be consciously applied in French colonies.The establishment of these institutions widened the gap between the quatre communes, to which the reform was limited, and the rest of Senegal, where the system of indirect rule held sway, and marked the beginning of mutual jealousy and conflict between the two sections. It put Senegal ahead of the rest of French West Africa, which continued until after World War II to be governed in a less liberal fashion. It marked France's first major effort at political assimilation in West Africa, and witnessed the determination of the Bordeaux firms, who had spearheaded the movement for the conseil général, to control not only the economic but also the political life of the colony. And lastly, it helped to create the situation whereby the Senegalese, who had until then been no more than mere pawns on the political chessboard of the French and the mulattoes, emerged, with the advent of Blaise Diagne in 1914, as the politically dominant group in Senegal.

scholarly journals MODERN TECHNOLOGIES OF MANIPULATION AS INSTRUMENT OF CHANGE OF POLITICAL REALITY ARE IN UKRAINE

10.23856/2910 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-76
Author(s):  
Vitaly Vedeneyev ◽  
Olha Orlova
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
External Influence ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Modern Technologies

In the article examined, that there is a process of political reality constructing by means of the use the various manipulation technologies that allow popularizing "necessary" to the politicians’ ideas that afterwards grow into soil of the counted scenario the political development events. Attention applies on the phenomenon of mythological political life, considered through the prism of social life symbolizing psychological process, illustrates effectiveness of external influence mechanisms on mass consciousness at man. It is underlined that mechanisms of external influence on mass consciousness at man is unchanging sufficiently long time and exist almost so much how many exist human civilization. The role of mass-media is shown as to the instrument of virtualization of the real political space and means of this virtual reality constructing.

scholarly journals The legal status of the Federation Council in the light of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation

2020 ◽  
pp. 195-200
Author(s):  
Tatiana Medvedeva
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Logical Analysis ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Russian Federation

The purpose of the article is to consider the content of the main changes provided for by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation proposed by the President of the Russian Federation in January 202, regarding regulation of the legal status of the Federation Council. Attention, in particular, is focused on expanding the personnel powers of the upper house of the Russian parliament, as well as changing the formation of the Fe­deration Council. It is substantiated that the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to the improvement of the system of checks and balances, including by strengthening the role of parliament. This goal is also served by securing directly in the Constitution of the Russian Federation the control powers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, which for a long time was regulated solely in sectoral legislation. The article also proposes a solution to the issue of a different approach to the establishment of the term of office of senators from subjects and senators — representatives of the Russian Federation. The conclusion is made that the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation contribute to strengthening the role of the Federation Council in the political life of the country. Within the framework of this research, we used formal logical (analysis) and comparative legal methods.

scholarly journals Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports

2021 ◽  
pp. 418-427
Author(s):  
Igor V. Kuryshev ◽  
◽  
Andrey A. Lyubimov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Rich

The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.

scholarly journals Critias and democracy

Balcanica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Ivan Jordovic
Keyword(s):  
Fifth Century ◽  
Controversial Issue ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Athenian History

The majority of Critias? contemporaries and fellow citizens saw the leader of the most brutal regime in Athenian history as a ruthless oligarch, moreover as a tyrant. Many ancient sources share this view. It is somewhat surprising therefore to see the most famous of his victims, the controversial politician Theramenes, denouncing him as a supporter of democracy. This contradiction has given rise to different, even diametrically opposed modern interpretations. It is this variety of interpretations and the importance of this question for understanding the political situation in Athens at the end of the fifth century BC, as well as the rise of tyranny in Thessaly, that has prompted us to take yet another look at this controversial issue.

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