Partnerstwo Wschodnie po 10 latach: sukces czy porażka, realizm czy iluzja?

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-39
Author(s):  
Beata Piskorska
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Eu

It has been ten years since Poland and Sweden proposed the Eastern Partnership project, which was subsequently adopted on 7 May 2009 by the EU Council at the Prague Summit as the official policy of the European Union. It is a component of the broader EU foreign policy – the European Neighbourhood Policy, which was created in 2004. During this time, the EU has developed many forms of dialogue and cooperation with the six countries covered by the programme. Half of the countries have signed and started to implement new agreements to strengthen their relations. However, the Eastern Partnership is currently undergoing a serious test. Today, the biggest challenge of fundamental importance is the ongoing armed conflict in eastern Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea by Russia, which is a sign of a return to geopolitics in the region. These events have significantly changed the outlook and conditions under which the Eastern Partnership is implemented. Therefore, it is worth trying to answer a few research questions: has the Partnership proved to be a useful tool for attracting beneficiary countries to the EU? Have the initial and long-term objectives been achieved? Finally, is the project worth strengthening and continuing? The article will analyse the specificity of the programme, including strategic goals and their evolution, and attempt to assess the implementation of assumptions and instruments from the point of view of the research approach, which is the transformational power of the EU.

scholarly journals The EU Eastern Partnership Initiative and Georgia

Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (5(62)) ◽  
pp. 117-140
Author(s):  
David Darchiashvili ◽  
David Bakradze
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Geographical Area ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
Coercive Diplomacy ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The Eu

The article views the geographical area between the EU and Russian borders as a battle space of two, drastically different foreign policy and ideological approaches. The authors argue that in the years since the end of the Cold War, a unique surrogate of former clash of liberal and communist worlds emerged, leading to and underpinning current Hybrid Warfare, underway from Ukraine to Georgia. Its roots lay in the Russian interpretation of the Western attitude towards the East as Neo-colonialist. Relying on the income from its vast energy resources, Russia also tries to develop its version of so called “Soft Power”, used by the West in this region. Though in Russian hands, it is coupled with Moscow’s imperial experiences and resentments, and is becoming a mere element in Hybrid or “non-linear” war. Speaking retrospectively, the Eastern Partnership Initiative of the European Union can be seen as a response to Hybrid threats, posed by Russia against its Western and Southern neighbors. But the question is, whether EU foreign policy initiatives towards this area can and will be efficient and sufficient, if continued to be mostly defensive and limited within Soft Power mechanisms and philosophy, while Russia successfully combines those with traditional Hard Power know-how? The authors argue that in the long run, European or Euro-Atlantic Soft Power tool-kits, spreading Human Rightsbased culture farther in the East, will remain unmatched. But in order to prevail over the Russian revisionist policy here and now, the West, and, particularly, the EU need to re-evaluate traditional foreign policy options and come up with a more drastic combination of Soft/Hard Powers by itself. As the Georgian case shows, the European community should more efficiently use Conditionality and Coercive Diplomacy, combined with clearer messages about partners’ membership perspectives.

scholarly journals The Once-Only Principle: A Matter of Trust

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Robert Krimmer ◽  
Andriana Prentza ◽  
Szymon Mamrot ◽  
Carsten Schmidt
Keyword(s):  
Legal Framework ◽  
Transformation Process ◽  
Single Market ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Horizon 2020 ◽  
Funded Project ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe Single Market is one of the cornerstones of the European Union. The idea to transform it into a Digital Single Market (DSM) was outlined several years ago. The EU has started different initiatives to support this transformation process. One of them is the program Horizon 2020 to support the process from a technical point of view. In parallel to this, initiatives were started to set up a sound legal framework for the DSM. The Single Digital Gateway Regulation (SDGR) is an outcome of these initiatives. The key aspect of the SDGR is the underlying Once-Only Principle (OOP), outlining that businesses and citizens in contact with public administrations have to provide data only once. “The Once-Only Principle Project (TOOP)” is the EU-funded project initiated for research, testing, and implementation of the OOP in Europe. The authors give an overview of the research questions of the different parts of TOOP. Besides that, they introduce the other chapters of this book and what the reader can expect as the content of them.

Przezwyciężanie kryzysu w procesie integracji europejskiej, poprzez zmiany regulacji dotyczących rozliczalności w podejmowaniu decyzji w UE, w wymiarze makroekonomicznym i fiskalnym

2016 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
Anna Sroka
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Democratic Deficit ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

This article concerns the impact of the crisis on the manner in which the European Union functions, with particular attention paid to the issue of accountability. The analysis of particular legal solutions adopted since the eruption of the economic crisis enables capturing of the changes that have occurred with respect to the functioning of democracy in the EU. This facilitates the search for an answer to the following research questions: during times of crisis, do transformations lead to improvements in the quality of democracy, or do they rather deepen the existing democratic deficit, particularly in respect of accountability? Are modifications to mechanisms governing the functioning of democracy in the EU helping to overcome both shortand long-term crises in the integration process? In order to find answers to these questions, an analysis has been performed of the changes made to regulations addressing governance in the European Union in the macroeconomic and fiscal sphere implemented between 2008 and 2013.

scholarly journals Impact of Flexicurity Policies on the Romanian Labor Market

ECONOMICS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Adriana Grigorescu ◽  
Arina Mihaela Niculescu Diaconu
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Human Resources Management ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Model ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Recovery ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Along with joining the EU and with the desire to be compatible with the European labor market, flexicurity begins to penetrate gradually the Romanian labor market, becoming a topical concept, an economic and social recovery tool. In the simplest possible way, flexicurity can be defined as the compromise between flexibility and work safety. The flexicurity principle was born as a solution to the European dilemma: how to increase the competitiveness of European enterprises in global competition without sacrificing the European social model. Although a gradual passage is attempted, the tradition of a profession inherited from one generation to another or a stable job still exists in the human resource mentality, but it no longer exists in the present society. The concept of flexicurity is relatively new, introduced in Europe in 2006, when the principles of flexicurity were developed, but they were implemented according to the economic specificity of each EU member state. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the effects that EU accession has had on the Romanian labor market and the subsequent steps to harmonize Romania with the European Union requirements from the point of view of human resources management, flexicurity at the labor market. In Romania, the flexicurity balance is balanced, in the sense that the trade unions support a broader level of security, and the employers tend to a greater degree of flexibility. In conclusion, the Romanian labor market to develop a high degree of flexicurity must aim at increasing employment and reducing long-term unemployment, promoting workplace security and reducing the rigidity of labor law, especially in case of voluntary dissolution of firms, or of collective redundancies. In addition, the flexibility of collective and individual work contracts is also sought.

Rosja wobec Partnerstwa Wschodniego Unii Europejskiej

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-64
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Legucka
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The Other ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
The Given ◽  
The Eu

This article is devoted to the evaluation of the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the implementation of Russia’s foreign policy. Using the research approach of constructivism, it analyses Russia’s attitude towards the EU’s Eastern Partnership project, as well as Russia’s reactions to the implementation of the EaP. Therefore, the subject of the analysis is not so much the relations of the EU and Russia with six states: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, as well as Russia’s and the EU’s narratives on its neighbourhood. This will make it possible to examine to what extent the position of one actor (EU) in relation to another (Russia) has been strengthened/weakened and, secondly, how the argumentation has promoted (the given message) in legitimizing the project as a whole, for both internal and external use. These projects were, on the one hand, Russia’s “close abroad” and, on the other, the EU’s “common neighbourhood”.

Koncepcje rozwoju integracji europejskiej na podstawie informacji ministrów spraw zagranicznych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej (2012–2019)

2021 ◽  
Vol 2(163) ◽  
pp. 53-81
Author(s):  
Arkadiusz Lewandowski ◽  
Patryk Tomaszewski
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
The Common ◽  
Policy Content ◽  
The Eu

The authors of the article analysed the information provided in the Sejm by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs on current foreign policy in 2012–2019. The authors’ efforts were mainly focused on fragments of speeches dedicated to the European Union, fundamental for conducting a long-term, strategic Polish policy within the EU. The authors considered the following as such problems: plans for the role of Poland in the EU and its future political shape, as well as the resulting security policy, especially when it comes to energetic security, which is important from the point of view of Poland’s sovereignty, as well as the common EU policy. Content analysis (both qualitative and quantitative) and a comparative technique, which was used to determine similarities and differences in the analysed materials, were chosen as the research method. The hypothesis formulated assumed that the approach to relations with the EU presented by the PO-PSL coalition, and then the United Right, differed significantly because it was based on a different paradigm. In the recommendations of the PO-PSL we can see references to the liberal/neoliberal theory, while in the recommendations of the United Right we can see references to the realism/neorealism theory.

scholarly journals The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"

2014 ◽  
pp. 139-149
Author(s):  
V. A. Latkina
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
The Mediterranean ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Eu

The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.

scholarly journals Humanitarian Tools of EU External Policy: The Case of Eastern Partnership

2020 ◽  
pp. 99-110
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Sutyrin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
External Influence ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Eu Foreign Policy ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Partnership Program ◽  
Power Concept ◽  
The Eu

The article deals with recent developments in the EU foreign policy towards neighbouring countries. The EU humanitarian influence mechanisms within the framework of European Neighbourhood Policy, Eastern Partnership program, along with the case of Belarus are explored. The article outlines that the European Union creates instruments of external influence through fostering humanitarian infrastructure in the periphery countries. As a result, the official government of a targeted country is not only unable to participate in the shaping of “European norms and rules”, but also ceases to be the single Brussel‟s counterpart. NGOs supported by the EU involve in to the dialogue between Brussels and the official government on behalf of the civil society. The latter contributes to the asymmetrical “teacher-apprentice” relationship between the EU and the bordering countries. Particular humanitarian instruments and cases exercised by the EU are explored. The interconnections between economic, political, and humanitarian tools in EU foreign policy are outlined. It is concluded that the “soft power” concept fails to explain comprehensively the EU foreign policy in the humanitarian sphere. Brussels seeks to exert systemic influence upon the humanitarian sphere of the periphery countries to bolster its political and economic position.

European Integration

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johann P. Arnason
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Historical Processes ◽  
History Of ◽  
External Conditions ◽  
Eastern European Countries ◽  
Totalitarian Regimes ◽  
The Eu

Different understandings of European integration, its background and present problems are represented in this book, but they share an emphasis on historical processes, geopolitical dynamics and regional diversity. The introduction surveys approaches to the question of European continuities and discontinuities, before going on to an overview of chapters. The following three contributions deal with long-term perspectives, including the question of Europe as a civilisational entity, the civilisational crisis of the twentieth century, marked by wars and totalitarian regimes, and a comparison of the European Union with the Habsburg Empire, with particular emphasis on similar crisis symptoms. The next three chapters discuss various aspects and contexts of the present crisis. Reflections on the Brexit controversy throw light on a longer history of intra-Union rivalry, enduring disputes and changing external conditions. An analysis of efforts to strengthen the EU’s legal and constitutional framework, and of resistances to them, highlights the unfinished agenda of integration. A closer look at the much-disputed Islamic presence in Europe suggests that an interdependent radicalization of Islamism and the European extreme right is a major factor in current political developments. Three concluding chapters adopt specific regional perspectives. Central and Eastern European countries, especially Poland, are following a path that leads to conflicts with dominant orientations of the EU, but this also raises questions about Europe’s future. The record of Scandinavian policies in relation to Europe exemplifies more general problems faced by peripheral regions. Finally, growing dissonances and divergences within the EU may strengthen the case for Eurasian perspectives.

Austrian Veto against European Union Membership Negotiations with Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-122
Author(s):  
Ewa Kaczan-Winiarska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Negotiation Process ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Strategic Partner ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
European Standards ◽  
The Eu

The Austrian government is extremely sceptical about the accession negotiations which are conducted by the European Commission on behalf of the European Union with Turkey and calls for the negotiation process to end. Serious reservations of Vienna have been raised by the current political situation in Turkey under the rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as well as by the standards of democracy in Turkey, which differ greatly from European standards. Serious deficiencies in rule of law, freedom of speech and independence of the judiciary, confirmed in the latest European Commission report on Turkey, do not justify, from Vienna’s point of view, the continuation of talks with Ankara on EU membership. In fact, Austria’s scepticism about the European perspective for Turkey has a longer tradition. This was marked previously in 2005 when the accession negotiations began. Until now, Austria’s position has not had enough clout within the European arena. Pragmatic cooperation with Turkey as a strategic partner of the EU, both in the context of the migration crisis and security policy, proved to be a key factor. The question is whether Austria, which took over the EU presidency from 1.7.2018, will be able to more strongly accentuate its reservations about Turkey and even build an alliance of Member States strong enough to block Turkey’s accession process.

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