Free airtime of election committees in Poland compared with similar solutions in other countries. The attitude of Poles to free election broadcasts in the Polish public media

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 227-237
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Łukasik-Turecka
Keyword(s):  
Likert Scale ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Survey Questionnaire ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Appropriate Use ◽  
Research Results ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Similar Solutions ◽  
The Right

The principle of equal electoral opportunities is implemented, inter alia, by allocating free airtime to political entities. In Poland, like in many other countries, the authorized committees have the right to use the public media’s airtime free of charge during election campaigns. The present article’s objective is to show the Polish solutions in this domain compared with the regulations in other countries and to present the research results and their analysis concerning Poles’ attitude to free election broadcasts – including their assessment of the broadcasts as a source of knowledge about candidates and parties taking part in the election campaign. The studies were carried out based on the survey questionnaire, which was compiled using the five-level Likert scale. The sample was selected by the stratifiedquota method (N = 971). The conclusions resulting from the survey suggest the need to retain the regulation that enables political entities in Poland to use free election broadcasts during election campaigns. At the same time, they point out that it is necessary to seek more advantageous forms and content to put airtime to appropriate use during the campaign period.

scholarly journals MONUMENT STATUE STUDY OF NANI WARTABONE STRUGGLE THROUGH BACKGROUND AND ITS VISUALIZATION

ARTic ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 193-201
Author(s):  
Muhammad Isla
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Qualitative Research Methods ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Left Hand ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

This study aims to find out how to study the Nani Wartabone statue in terms of visuals, to provide knowledge to the people of Gorontalo the meaning of the Nani Wartabone statue and to describe the background study and visualization of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument statue. This research was written using descriptive qualitative research methods, the authors observed in detail the background and visualization of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument, the results of this study allow the writer to know the historical background of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument statue and the writer can also know the visual meaning of the Tilongolo Monument statue Nani Wartabone. The research results obtained by the author are quite good because there are two sources who are quite helpful in the process of writing this research, the conclusion or the final result of this study is that the writer and the public can find out the background of the Nani Wartabone statue made to commemorate his services in fighting the invaders and the meaning of the visualization of the statue of the struggle of Nani Wartabone, namely: (1) The pointing hand has a meaning, namely his birthplace, Bube Village, Suwawa District, Bone Bolango Regency, Gorontalo Province; (2) Bayonet in the left pocket is made by Suwawa which has the mystical power to protect Nani Wartabone in certain situations; (3) The pistol in the right pocket is used as a helper for the main weapon in the left hand of Nani Wartabone; (4) The weapon in the left hand of Nani Wartabone is a long rifle (hunting rifle) that can be used on the battlefield; (5) The Safari uniform used by Nani Wartabone has patriotic meaning and strength; and (6) Base of 2 and the curve of base of 3 represents the number 23 celebrated as patriotic day by the people of Gorontalo.

scholarly journals Using public opinion to serve journalistic narratives: Rethinking vox pops and live two-way reporting in five UK election campaigns (2009–2017)

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (6) ◽  
pp. 639-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Cushion
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
News Media ◽  
Television News ◽  
Qualitative Assessment ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Public ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Election Coverage

The news media are often accused of reporting politics in a too narrow and consensual way, excluding certain perspectives and issues that might better reflect the public’s agenda. This study lends weight to this argument by not only demonstrating the party political focus of UK election coverage but also in the misleading way public opinion was, at times, represented. Analysing 6647 items and/or stories in the largest ever content analysis study of 4613 sources across five first- and second-order election campaigns in the United Kingdom, it comprehensively tracks how citizens and journalists appear in television news, as well as developing a finely grained, qualitative assessment of how public opinion was represented during the 2017 election campaign. Overall, the study found that political parties received the most amount of airtime, but in some election campaigns members of the public appeared in coverage more often than politicians. However, they were mostly granted limited airtime to articulate their views in vox pops. During the 2017 election campaign, the study found the editorial construction of public opinion in vox pops and live journalistic two-ways was shaped by a relatively narrow set of assumptions made by political journalists about the public’s ideological views rather than consulting more objective measures of public opinion. So, for example, voters were portrayed as favouring more right- than left-wing policies despite evidence to the contrary. The use of citizens as sources is theorised as serving the pre-conceived narratives of journalists rather than reflecting a representative picture of public opinion. The study reinforces and advances academic debates about journalists and citizen-source interactions. More accurately engaging with people’s concerns, it is concluded, will help move broadcasters beyond the narrow set of assumptions that typically serve their narratives of political coverage.

MONUMENT STATUE STUDY OF NANI WARTABONE STRUGGLE THROUGH BACKGROUND AND ITS VISUALIZATION

ARTic ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 193-201
Author(s):  
Muhammad Isla
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Qualitative Research Methods ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Left Hand ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Right ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

This study aims to find out how to study the Nani Wartabone statue in terms of visuals, to provide knowledge to the people of Gorontalo the meaning of the Nani Wartabone statue and to describe the background study and visualization of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument statue. This research was written using descriptive qualitative research methods, the authors observed in detail the background and visualization of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument, the results of this study allow the writer to know the historical background of the Tilongolo Nani Wartabone monument statue and the writer can also know the visual meaning of the Tilongolo Monument statue Nani Wartabone. The research results obtained by the author are quite good because there are two sources who are quite helpful in the process of writing this research, the conclusion or the final result of this study is that the writer and the public can find out the background of the Nani Wartabone statue made to commemorate his services in fighting the invaders and the meaning of the visualization of the statue of the struggle of Nani Wartabone, namely: (1) The pointing hand has a meaning, namely his birthplace, Bube Village, Suwawa District, Bone Bolango Regency, Gorontalo Province; (2) Bayonet in the left pocket is made by Suwawa which has the mystical power to protect Nani Wartabone in certain situations; (3) The pistol in the right pocket is used as a helper for the main weapon in the left hand of Nani Wartabone; (4) The weapon in the left hand of Nani Wartabone is a long rifle (hunting rifle) that can be used on the battlefield; (5) The Safari uniform used by Nani Wartabone has patriotic meaning and strength; and (6) Base of 2 and the curve of base of 3 represents the number 23 celebrated as patriotic day by the people of Gorontalo.

scholarly journals Persepsi Masyarakat Terhadap Aplikasi TikTok Sebagai Media Menurunkan Tingkat Stres di Era Pandemi Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Kadek Ari Setia Utama Putra ◽  
Gede Wisnu Permana ◽  
Putu Yuna Sephiani ◽  
Ni Komang Sutriyanti
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Music Video ◽  
Research Results ◽  
The Public ◽  
Space And Time ◽  
Stress Levels ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
The Right ◽  
Reducing Stress ◽  
Descriptive Method

Social media is a medium for socializing and communicating with each other and is done online which is not regulated by space and time. Social media can be used as a medium to communicate privately and even in groups, share files, videos, music, and so on. Social media which is busy being used to reduce stress in the current pandemic era, one of which is the TikTok application. TikTok is a social media and music video platform from China. This application was first released in September 2016. The purpose of this research is to see the perception of the TikTok application as a medium to reduce stress levels in the Covid-19 pandemic era. Method of collecting data used included interviews, questionnaire questionnaires, documentation, and observation. The data obtained were analyzed using a qualitative descriptive method. The research results are as follows 64% of people say TikTok is a medium for reducing stress. The public accepts and rejects TikTok as the right medium to reduce stress in the Covid-19 pandemic era for various reasons given. From these results it can be ignored that the TikTok application influences TikTok users, both positive and negative. This has led to various responses from the public regarding the TikTok application.

scholarly journals Aktywność polskich korespondentów zagranicznych na Twitterze

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4 (248)) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
Bartłomiej Łódzki
Keyword(s):  
Social Networking ◽  
Public Space ◽  
News Media ◽  
Social Networking Sites ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Foreign Correspondents ◽  
The Public ◽  
Commercial Media ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Right

Activity of Polish Foreign Correspondents on Twitter Social media have been transforming the realm of journalism, audiences, as well as news consumption. Twitter, which is one of the top three social networking sites in the world (Broersma, Graham 2013; Neuberger et al. 2019; Nordheim et al. 2018; Swert, Wouters 2011) has become one of the main social networking tools used by the news media industry, too. There is little research on how foreign correspondents use Twitter as a reporting tool. This research aims to investigate how foreign correspondents of the largest Polish radio and TV stations use Twitter. The analysis focuses on the correspondents in the Washington and Brussels sites. The research period covered 2016–2019, when the new management of the public media decided to replace most of the correspondents. The author looks for similarities and differences between journalists from public and commercial media. He tries to find out whether their activities on Twitter are used to transmit messages, promote their work, build the image of the editorial office, or communicate with recipients. The analysis of over 20,000 tweets confirms the influence of political changes on the work and activity of journalists in the public sphere. Most public media correspondents reported in line with the ruling party’s agenda focused on domestic affairs and used Twitter for self-promotion. Commercial media representatives mainly covered international topics, using a wider range of sources in their tweets. Significant differences were related to the way of interacting with the audience. The majority of shares on Twitter and the most intense discussions concerned the content of public media correspondents. The highest rates were achieved by tweets that focused on the actions of the leading politicians of the right-wing parties, national issues, and criticism of the actions of European bodies. The disputes and discussions on Twitter between the correspondents and the public as well as among the correspondents themselves show the crisis in public space, lack of trust, and difficulty to change this state in a short time. STRESZCZENIE Artykuł analizuje, w jaki sposób wykorzystują Twittera korespondenci zagraniczni największych polskich stacji radiowych i telewizyjnych na przykładzie placówek w Waszyngtonie i Brukseli. Okres badawczy obejmuje lata 2016–2019, kiedy nowe kierownictwo mediów publicznych w Polsce podjęło decyzję o wymianie większości korespondentów. Celem analizy jest identyfikacja podobieństw i różnic między relacjami dziennikarzy mediów publicznych i komercyjnych, jak również ustalenie, czy aktywność podejmowana na Twitterze służy do przekazywania wiadomości, promowania własnej pracy, budowania wizerunku redakcji czy też komunikowania się z odbiorcami. Wyniki analizy, która objęła ponad 20 tys. tweetów, potwierdzają wpływ zmian politycznych na pracę i aktywność dziennikarzy w sferze publicznej. Większość polskich korespondentów mediów publicznych relacjonowała wydarzenia zgodnie z linią programową partii rządzącej, koncentrowała się na sprawach krajowych i wykorzystywała Twittera do autopromocji. Dziennikarze mediów komercyjnych relacjonowali natomiast głównie tematykę międzynarodową, korzystając z szerszego spektrum źródeł w tweetach. Istotne różnice widoczne były także w sposobie interakcji z publicznością. Najwięcej udostępnień na Twitterze i najintensywniejsze dyskusje dotyczyły treści korespondentów mediów publicznych. Najwięcej uwagi uzyskały tweety na temat działań głównych polityków partii prawicowych, kwestii krajowych i krytyki działań organów europejskich. Wyniki badań dowodzą istnienia głębokiego kryzysu debaty publicznej, braku wzajemnego zaufania i możliwości zmiany tego stanu rzeczy w bliskiej perspektywie.

scholarly journals O DIREITO AO ESQUECIMENTO FRENTE À SOCIEDADE DA INFORMAÇÃO

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Giullia Eckert Nunes ◽  
Dailor Dos Santos ◽  
Sandra Regina Martini
Keyword(s):  
Human Person ◽  
Personal Data ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Right To Privacy ◽  
General Law ◽  
Personality Rights ◽  
Right To Be Forgotten ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Judicial Protection

O avanço tecnológico mundial trouxe diversos benefícios para a humanidade, dentre os quais se destaca a velocidade na comunicação e de informação. Junto a isso, porém, verifica-se a propagação em massa de dados carentes de veracidade e/ou não contemporâneos, os quais ocasionam sofrimento e transtornos aos indivíduos envolvidos e expostos publicamente. Nesta perspectiva, busca-se analisar a aplicabilidade do Direito ao Esquecimento, considerando-se (i) os direitos da personalidade, constantes no Código Civil (art. 11-21), (ii) o direito à vida privada, intimidade e honra (art. 5º, X, CF), (iii) o princípio da Dignidade da Pessoa Humana (art. 1º, III, CF), bem como (iv) o direito de expressão/informação. Atenta-se, também, ao Marco Civil da Internet (Lei nº 12.965/2014) em cotejo com a nova Lei Geral de Proteção de Dados Pessoais (13.709/2018) e ao Enunciado 531 da VI Jornada de Direito Civil, que assegura a tutela judicial para resguardo do esquecimento de qualquer pessoa. Trata-se, pois, de compreender as possibilidades de invocar o esquecimento como direito, perspectiva que admite que um fato, mesmo que verídico, ocorrido em determinada época, deixe de ser revelado ao público, ou, ainda, possibilita que este seja retirado dos meios de comunicação.Palavras-chave: Direito ao esquecimento. Sociedade da informação. Direitos da personalidade. Dignidade da pessoa humana.ABSTRACTThe technological advance in the world has brought several benefits for humanity, among which the speed in communication and information is highlighted. Alongside this, however, there is the mass propagation of data lacking veracity and/or non-contemporaneous, which cause suffering and disruption to the individuals involved and publicly exposed. In this perspective, it is sought to analyze the applicability of the Right to Be Forgotten, considering (i) the personality rights contained in the Civil Code (article 11-21), (ii) the right to privacy, intimacy and honor (article 5º, X, CF), (iii) the principle of the Dignity of the Human Person (article 1, III, CF), as well as (iv) the right of expression/information. Attention is also given to the Civil Internet Framework (Law no. 12.965/2014) – making a brief comparison of this with the new General Law of Protection of Personal Data (Law no. 13.709/2018) – and to Statement 531 of the VI Civil Law Day, which ensures judicial protection to protect any person from being forgotten. It is therefore necessary to understand the possibilities of invoking oblivion as a right, a perspective that admits that a fact, even if true, occurred at a given time, is no longer revealed to the public, or even allows it to be taken from the public media. Keywords: Right to be forgotten. Information society. Personality rights. Dignity of human person.

scholarly journals Hearing non-neutral: Listening practices and the construction of societal consensus in hybrid election campaign interviews

Journalism ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Argyro Kantara
Keyword(s):  
General Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Broadcast News ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political News ◽  
The Public ◽  
Societal Consensus ◽  
News Interviews

Ekström and Kroon Lundell, Ekström, Hutchby refer to hybridity in political news interviews as the mix of activities or the systematic shifting between speech exchange systems otherwise associated with non-interview settings. In their examination of journalists’ mixed interactional activities, both Hutchby and Ekström discuss how hybridity is explored as an interactional resource to question politicians and/or create an argumentative environment, breaching the neutralistic role of the broadcast news journalist. In this article, I examine instances of journalists’ breaching neutralism not through their hybrid questioning practices but through their listening practices in one-on-one interviews conducted during the 2012 Greek general election campaigns. In my data, journalists use hybrid listening practices to co-produce politicians’ arguments and to answer their own questions. Findings indicate that journalists’ hybrid listening practices provide political actors with new ways to mainstream and appropriate their manifestos to the public.

scholarly journals Het effect van lokale verkiezingscampagnes op politieke kennis. De case van de Antwerpse lokale verkiezingen

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Lefevere ◽  
Christophe Lesschaeve
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
National Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Attention ◽  
Local Election

The effect of local election campaigns on political knowledge. The case of the Antwerp local elections The effect of local election campaigns on political knowledge. The case of the Antwerp local elections Political knowledge is crucial for the functioning of democracy: only informed citizens can cast a substantiated vote. Therefore, it is especially important that citizens are informed during election campaigns. Indeed, election campaigns can educate the public on the various parties and candidates. However, extant research mostly focuses on national election campaigns. Local election campaigns often get less (media) attention, yet have been seldom researched. In this paper we investigate whether citizens also learn during local election campaigns. We use panel data collected during the 2012 Antwerp local election campaign. We find that although the campaign did cause slight knowledge gains, it mainly increased the existing knowledge gap between well- and ill-informed citizens. On the other hand the campaign did amend some other gaps: uncertain voters learned more, and voters learned most about parties they evaluated highly.

scholarly journals Grundtvig i politik op til 1830

1994 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-91
Author(s):  
Vagn Wåhlin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Freedom Of The Press ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
Public Media ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Press ◽  
Social Pact ◽  
The Right

Grundtvig in Politic until 1830-1831By Vagn WåhlinVagn Wåhlin discusses the Grundtvig text, .Political Considerations., re-printed above, which was written in the year of the 1930 revolution. In the Danish United Monarchy the European revolutions gave rise to a demand for a wider citizen participation in politics through parliamentary institutions and a demand for a solution to the national problem of the position of Schleswig between the Kingdom and Holstein. In addition, the debate led to a discussion of and a demand for an extension of the civil rights, including in particular a specification of the character and extent of the freedom of the press. The present article discusses Grundtvig’s treatment of these and other political subjects in the pamphlet mentioned.In the article, the concept of politics is defined as the attempt by an individual or a group to influence the authoritative distribution of the material and spiritual wealth of the society, a definition that comes close to Grundtvig’s own view. The article does not intend an exhaustive account of Grundtvig’s political views, but aims to show how Grundtvig’s attitude in a number of earlier writings has emerged through his occupation with current events and considerable social philosophers. The decisive thing for Grundtvig, before and especially around and after the time of the pamphlet discussed here, was to present and promote a form of government, on a historical and pragmatic basis, for the benefit and welfare of the whole people, where freedom and power balanced each other, where the rulers were responsive to the voice of an enlightened citizenry, and where confidence, love and responsibility rather than selfishness prevailed among the members of the society and determined the purposeful actions of the whole people - all under Divine Providence. It is pointed out how Grundtvig takes account of the character of the Danish society as an agrarian society by emphasizing the peasantry as ideally the fundamental and stabilizing element in the state. Consequently Grundtvig stresses the primary production as the foundation of society, structured through the mutual love in freedom and the folk culture of the people - traits common to the nation - as the basis of the interaction of the citizens and hence the balance between their equality and freedom. Grundtvig doubts the general possibility or desirability of equality, and is of the opinion that inequality is a natural condition of life, but that this condition is counterbalanced by the mutual fellow feeling of the citizens. Grundtvig uses the social pact idea in his definition of the distribution of power between the consultative function of the people, expressing the general will of the public, and the executive power of the King. The consultative power of the citizens finds its expression through the public media, dependent on freedom of the press, and Grundtvig brings up the concrete proposal that the Schleswig question should be solved by letting the Schleswigers give expression to the general public will in the public press. Grundtvig defends the right of the citizens to revolt the moment their rights, for example their right of property, are violated, but he dissociates himself from revolutions which, in his opinion, lead to tyranny, the opposite of freedom. The article explains how trust in God’s Providence together with love is the condition of the King’s and the people’s trust in the viability of the above-mentioned relationship. Grundtvig’s political views have their foundation in his emphasis on the importance of Christianity for the universal-historical development and for a people’s fulfillment of its own destiny in it.

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