scholarly journals The Central Asian Countries and the Energy Sector: Economics, Politics and Legal Aspects

Author(s):  
Şaziye Gazioğlu ◽  
Fatoş Otcuoğlu

This paper is written with aim of investigating the importance of the natural resources within the Central Asian energy sector. The geopolitics position of the Central Asian Countries place them in the centre of conflicting powers; that is to say, on the one hand they are providing energy to Europe and USA, and on the other hand they are next to China, which has the highest and growing demand for energy consumption. In political arena, China accordingly seeks to prevent the independence of East Turkistan, which has historical links to Turkistan (West) in Russia. In this regard, we examine the energy policies and trade between states, and we particularly focus on the gas and oil pipelines from said countries to Europe. We also examine the demand from Caucasian and the Central Asian Countries by European, and Pacific Countries and, as well as, the USA. Correspondingly, we discuss the political conflicts upon the energy investments, and mainly concentrate on the investments in Central Asian and Commonwealth of Independent States (“CIS”), and the political risks and legal disputes relating to foreign energy investment and stability implications in this regard.

Author(s):  
M. Doroshko ◽  
I. Voloshenko

An important component of the ensuring the security of the states of the Central Asian region is the energy security because the energy resources are critically significant for the improving the quality of life and the expanding the opportunities for all countries in this region. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan are those countries which energy resources is an area of deep interest of extra-regional forces. In fact, energy security is a priority area of foreign policy of countries in the region that are trying to get the maximum benefit from the sale of their own oil and gas reserves. The energy resources Central Asia, primarily Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan, step up cooperation with countries such as China, Russia, USA and many others. Authors considers the peculiarities of energy policy of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, peculiarities of cooperation with external partners, as well as the problems that exist in the energy sector.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 47-59
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

After gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian states, which had no experience in conducting independent foreign policy activities, began to build their own foreign policy coordinate system and develop its conceptual framework. Given their unique geopolitical position and diverse resource potential, the regional states preferred to pursue an open and multi-vector foreign policy, which allowed them to realize their national interests. With regard to the transformational processes in global politics and economy, as well as the geopolitical characteristics of their states, the political elites of the regional states have developed their own approaches to foreign policy. The article analyzes the doctrinal foundations of the Central Asian countries’ foreign policy, and the influence of global factors on the foreign policy formation of the regional states and intraregional cooperation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 04017059 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tengyuan Chang ◽  
Xiaopeng Deng ◽  
Jian Zuo ◽  
Jingfeng Yuan

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-372
Author(s):  
E. A. Markova

After the collapse of the USSR, Central Asian countries faced a number of political and economic challenges. The most pressing issues were inter-State interaction in the energy sector and the pursuit of their independent energy policy. But the efforts of the countries to implement integration projects in the energy sector failed. The Central Asian states had twin economies and poorly developed infrastructure. The main obstacle for expanding energy cooperation of the countries in the region was their geographical remoteness from the major hydrocarbon resource consumers. Despite the difficulties, the countries pursued a policy aimed at attracting foreign investment in the development of deposits and implementation of pipeline projects. China and Western countries had great influence on the discussion and further implementation of a series of pipeline projects. Central Asia was of great importance for China which sought to strengthen its influence in the countries of the region but curtail Russia and Western countries’ influence. In this matter, China has made significant progress with the pipeline projects in the region. The EU and the US were also promoting energy projects. However, the remoteness of the countries from the European market for hydrocarbon resources precluded projects for oil and gas pipelines going from Central Asia to the west to be implemented. As a result, the Central Asian countries largely opt for China and Russia, as an important partner, in the implementation of their energy policy.


Author(s):  
Volkan Öngel ◽  
Serdar Kuzu

Several financial crises that have different causes and effects occured in financial markets in which globalization takes its effect increasingly. Central Asian Countries which have gained their independence after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 both faced important socio-cultural and political changes and were affected many global crises during 1991-2012. The global financial crisis which occured in the USA in 2008 as a mortgage crisis spreaded as a result of globalization and affected the developing economies. 2008 global financial crisis caused trouble especially in macroeconomic issues such as employment, production, supply, demand, level of welfare, openness, price stability, economic growth, inflation and unemployment. This study aims to imply how the selected Central Asian Countries have been affected by the 2008 global financial crisis and their future expectations by analysing leading macroeconomic indicators. In this context, the effects of the global financial crisis on macroeconomic variables of Kazakhistan, Azerbaijan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan will be interpreted. In the light of these indicators, it will be analysed if there are leading indicators for a coming economic crisis in Central Asian Countries and also how their economic structure will be in the near future.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg KARPOVICH

Following the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the new Central Asian independent states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan replaced the Soviet republics of Central (Sredniaia) Asia and Kazakhstan. By the time they gained independence, these countries had already developed specific mechanisms of governance: The Communist Party and state structures had relied, to a great extent, on certain regional clan principles of decision-making inherited from their distant past. The new states immediately declared that they would strive to build Western-style political systems. They elected their presidents and parliaments, set up judicial systems, yet the political elites proved unable to realize the democratic standards of the West they supported in words. Over the course of three decades, heads of state, who dominated and still remain the dominant figures in their countries and are responsible for domestic and foreign policies have replaced each other without any real competition. None of the regional states can boast of competitive presidential elections. On the other hand, even though their political development may have external similarities, there are still numerous differences rooted in their very different past, cultures and mentalities. The regional clan division, swept under the carpet during the Soviet period, was revived as an important and highly influential feature. Kazakhstan was divided into zhuzes; Kyrgyzstan is in the midst of an ongoing regional confrontation between the South and the North; in Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan regional clans have gradually gained a lot of political weight. This means that the leaders of all Central Asian countries had no choice but to take into account the interests of groups and clans and the ties between different tribes, which inevitably affected the principles of governance and choice of officials. The personal characteristics of leaders who came to power after the Soviet Union had left the stage and their interpretations of the ongoing processes played a huge role in regional developments, the relationships between the regional states, the regional balance of power and the political situation. Today, all the above-mentioned countries with the exception of Tajikistan, have elected new presidents either amid domestic political turmoil or through a power transit within the same group. This means that in all Central Asian countries presidential elections are not seen as an instrument of change of power but, rather, as an instrument of remaining in power. The complicated economic situation, the non-regional actors that put pressure on the local political elites and, recently, the COVID-19 pandemic, which intensified the social and economic problems, did nothing positive for the political and economic stability in Central Asia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 024-035
Author(s):  
Elena Garbuzarova

Since gaining independence in 1991, the Central Asian countries have embarked on state building with regard for the experience of developed countries. During the political modernization process, the countries of Central Asia heeded great attention to the constitution. The political elites in power have enshrined the separation of powers between the government branches in the basic law. At the same time, the institution of the president retained a special status in the state power system. This fact reflected the specifics of the development of new states, where the legislative body was absent or played an insignificant role for a prolonged time period. The president plays a major role in the political systems of the regional states (with the exception of Kyrgyzstan), which was manifested in his special status. As a result, a patron-client model has developed in the regional states, where the president acquires and maintains the loyalty of political elites through material incentives. Meanwhile, the regional countries were undergoing continuous constitutional reforms. The amendments to the fundamental law have been and are being used by the presidents of the Central Asian countries to maintain and reinforce their legitimacy. The need to solve this problem has increased in the context of a decline in economic growth and accumulated internal socio-economic problems. In 2020-2021, the coronavirus pandemic produced a negative impact. These challenges posed the task of implementing a new democratic transformation strategy for the executive authorities of the regional states, in particular, the expansion of powers in the legislative branch of government. At the present stage, a new balance of forces has emerged in Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, which involves a higher responsibility of the parliament and government for the implementation of socio-economic reforms. This afforded greater stability to the political regimes in these countries. In Tajikistan, a power centralization tendency has developed, and the position of the incumbent is being solidified. Hopes for carrying out structural economic reforms are pinned on the president. Kyrgyzstan has demonstrated a desire to develop parliamentarianism in order to prevent the development of authoritarian tendencies. However, the introduction of a parliamentary form of government did not lead to the solution of the country’s internal problems, primarily due to the continued enormous influence of informal institutions on the authorities. Major socio-economic problems faced by the Kyrgyz authorities in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic triggered another round of political tension in the country and ultimately led to a change of power and a transition to a presidential form of government. The changes introduced to the constitutions of the regional states create the appearance of the implementation of democratic principles and the use of procedures to improve the efficiency of the government. At the same time, institutional changes undermine socio-political stability, creating problems for further national development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
Vladimir Paramonov ◽  

The main purpose of the article is to identify the key trends in relations of the People Republic of China with the countries of Central Asia in the political, security and economic fields from 1992 to 2007. It seems that all this should help to scientifically evaluate the recent past of Chinese-Central Asian ties, and therefore help to build morestable and mutually beneficial formats of relations in the near future.


Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (11) ◽  
pp. 2963
Author(s):  
Elena Shadrina

Despite globally progressing energy transition, the deployment of non-hydropower renewable energy (NHRE) in Central Asia is moderate and varies by country. This paper aims to explain why Central Asian countries with significant challenges in the energy sector are least engaged in NHRE development. In doing so, the paper first reviews scholarly work on renewable energy (RE) deployment in developing countries. For assessing the NHRE development status in Central Asian countries, the paper adopts a two-stage analytical framework. First, it assesses the current situation in these states’ energy sectors in connection to their economic growth and development, environmental sustainability and energy security. Then, it analyses the preparedness of the national energy sectors for NHRE diffusion in six dimensions: structure of energy sector, RE regulation, institutions and governance, capital and investment, infrastructure and business environment, and human capital. Based on the results of the two-stage analysis, the paper argues that more advanced economically and institutionally countries are more likely to commence NHRE development.


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