Turkey and Uzbekistan Relations within the Scope of Economic and Political Integration of Central Asia

Author(s):  
S. Rıdvan Karluk ◽  
Ayşen Hiç Gencer

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Uzbekistan declared her sovereignty on June 20th, 1990 and her independence on September 1st, 1991. Turkey was the first country to recognize the Republic of Uzbekistan on December 16th, 1991. On March 4th, 1992, diplomatic relations between Turkey and Uzbekistan were established and more than 90 bilateral agreements and protocols were signed. Among the Central Asian countries, Uzbekistan has an important geopolitical location and has the largest Turkish population. Turkish and Uzbek people share the same culture and language (Uzbek-Chagatai Turkish). Prime Minister Erdoğan and President Kerimov emphasized the necessity of improving the Turkish-Uzbek relations at the opening ceremony of Sochi 2014 Winter Olympics. Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoğlu's visit on July 10th, 2014 started improving bilateral relations that had come to a halt in 2003. This paper analyzes Turkish-Uzbek relations in the framework of integration in Central Asia and with respect to the structural economic changes in Uzbekistan and her foreign trade policy.

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-358
Author(s):  
Alin Roman

"As a young nation that came into existence following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Kazakhstan undergoes a gradual transformation within its demographics. The issue of national identity within what was once an important and well-integrated part of the USSR continues to draw the involvement of its administrative apparatus that has to find the equilibrium between, on one hand, maintaining national integrity through various mechanisms and, on the other, managing the level of external and internal factors that may lead to the fate of its fellow Central-Asian republics. Keywords: nationalism, populism, Central Asia, statehood, post-Soviet identity"


Author(s):  
П. А. Sinovets ◽  
M. R. Nerez

The article is dedicated to the exploration of the Russian strategic culture and its influence on the major foreign and security policy trends of the Russian Federation. In particular, we suggest dividing Russian strategic culture into the three domains, taking roots from the historic, geographic, and religious foundations of the Moscow state. Those are, first, the Third Rome doctrine, having laid the background for the Russian imperial messianism, the immanent rivalry with the West as well as the Russian World idea and the further annexation of Crimea. Second, the “gathering lands” principle added the sacral meaning to the idea of strategic depth and the territory of Russia. As the result, the breakup of the Soviet Union and the enlargement of NATO to the East became the most painful episodes in Russian history, causing the reaction, which led to the confrontational role of Russia in the international system. And “the besieged fortress” principle serves as the element of integrating the Russian state and society as it is based on the idea that only the existence of rivals makes Russia the great state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (04) ◽  
pp. 1738-1747
Author(s):  
Murad Asadov

Formation of new states in the South Caucasus and Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union raised to have relations with the Turkic peoples of Central Asia first in the history of the Republic for Turkey. Foreign policy the Caucasus continues to evolve in its foreign policy strategy. A force associated with this well-intentioned policy, which is adjacent to the Laki region, is always offered. Whenever Turkey wants to enter the Caucasus, it will not be adversely affected by other countries. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, Russia's influence in the region was weak. The nickname was temporary. At the beginning of the 21st century, Vladimir Putin received a well-developed document with the credibility of Putin. Turkey’s north-east neighbour Georgia is not a very big country, it has a particular importance of the geostrategic position not only in the Caucasus region but also in Turkey. Especially, the location of Georgia in the center of the transport and trade routes to the Caucasus and Central Asia increases its geostrategic status more. The main positive turning point in the development of Georgia-Turkey relations happened with the realization of oil and natural gas pipelines to run Caspian oil through Tbilisi to Turkey and from there to the West. This article will explore the Turkish-Russian relations of the late twentieth and early twenty first century and the Russian factor in Turkey's South Caucasus policy following the August 2008 events.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Yelova

With the collapse of the Soviet system and the start of systemic transformations in Central and Eastern Europe, which began at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, there was an urgent need to review the existing system of international relations and find new formats for interstate and interethnic relations development. Polish-Ukrainian relations were no exception in this process. In the period of 1989-1999, Ukraine occupied a very important place in the foreign policy of the Republic of Poland, holding a leading position in Polish Eastern policy. It is at this time that the bilateral relations of young independent states were being formed and developed, which took an evolutionary step by establishing and supporting good neighborly relations to the level of strategic partnership. Eastern policy was the key to the positive dynamics of the development of Polish-Ukrainian relations; it has been tested and successfully implemented by the Polish governments of Solidarity since the early 1990s. The main goal of Polish Eastern policy was to respond to the changes taking place on the eastern border of the Republic of Poland and to establish relations with the former republics of the Soviet Union, especially those that shared a border with Poland. This was predetermined by the desire to preserve the territorial integrity of the Republic of Poland and by the considerations of national security. The very formation and evolution of Polish-Ukrainian relations in the period of 1989-1999, known in history as the period of Poland's implementation of Eastern policy, are analyzed in this article.


Author(s):  
Farkhad Linarovich Gumarov ◽  
Marat Zufarovich Galiullin ◽  
Luiza Kajumovna Karimova ◽  
Elvira Imbelevna Kamaletdinova

So far, the country has not had an official document defining the concept of foreign policy of the Republic of Turkey. The relevance of the problem under study lies in the need to define modern approaches to the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey with respect to Central Asian States. The objective of this article is to analyses the evolution of Turkish foreign policy towards Turkish-speaking states since the early 1990swhile determining the role and importance of these states to Turkey. Historical-genetic and chronological methods have been used as tools to support historical study. The historical and genetic method allows to track the dissemination and consistent of changes in the object of this study. In addition, the method of research and presentation of chronological problems contributes to consistent coverage of the peculiarities of significant events of regional and international importance. The study revealed a tendency to transform Turkey's policy towards The Turkish-speaking states of Central Asia, since the collapse of the Soviet Union.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 148-156
Author(s):  
Argyrios Tasoulas

The article examines the role of the Cyprus issue in the bilateral relations between Greece and the USSR in 1956-1960. It is based on primal archival research realised at the Constantine Karamanlis Archive (AKK) and at the Diplomatic and Historical Archive of the Greek Foreign Ministry (DIAYE) in Athens. The analysis of the recently declassified documents relate to the events which took place in 1954, when the Soviet Union supported the Greek claims for self-determination of the Cypriot people in the United Nations on the basis of the anti-colonial principles. This contributed to the impressive increase in trade between Greece and the USSR, especially after the unofficial visit of the Soviet Foreign Minister D.T. Shepilov to Athens in 1956. Against the backdrop of the deterioration of the international situation in 1957, Kremlin heavily criticized NATOs decision to deploy the US Intermediate Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) in Europe and applied diplomatic pressures to NATO member-states including Greece. The shift from tensions to a peaceful offensive strategy, characteristic of the Soviet diplomacy towards Greece, proved to be a double-edged sword for Moscow in the long term. The author concludes that both countries exploited the Cyprus issue for their benefit. Thus, Moscow managed to take advantage of the Greek discontent with the NATO allies as a means of increasing its own prestige in the region, while the Greek governments capitalized on the Soviet tactics in order to increase its political leverage in confronting NATO on Cyprus.


1992 ◽  
Vol 20 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muriel Atkin

The Soviet Union has a Muslim population about the size of Turkey's. Definition is a problem because Soviet censuses do not ask about religious convictions. All one can say is that those nationalities which have traditionally been predominantly Muslim number, according to the 1989 census, approximately 55 million people out of a total population which exceeds 285 million. Although it is common to refer to “Soviet Muslims” as if they constituted a monolithic community, these millions of people are in fact diverse in terms of their religious traditions, current attitudes toward their ancestral faith, nationality, and numerous other secular aspects of life as well. This essay will attempt to describe all the forms of Islamic activity among the Muslim peoples of the Soviet Union, but will consider the status of Islam primarily in Central Asia, where the largest number of the Soviet Union's traditionally Muslim nationalities live, and especially the republic of Tajikistan, where the status of Islam largely resembles that of other important parts of the region.


2018 ◽  
pp. 550-563
Author(s):  
Daniel Sawert ◽  

The article assesses archival materials on the festival movement in the Soviet Union in 1950s, including its peak, the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students held in 1957 in Moscow. Even now the Moscow festival is seen in the context of international cultural politics of the Cold War and as a unique event for the Soviet Union. The article is to put the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students in the context of other youth festivals held in the Soviet Union. The festivals of 1950s provided a field for political, social, and cultural experiments. They also have been the crucible of a new way of communication and a new language of design. Furthermore, festivals reflected the new (althogh relative) liberalism in the Soviet Union. This liberalism, first of all, was expressed in the fact that festivals were organized by the Komsomol and other Soviet public and cultural organisations. Taking the role of these organisations into consideration, the research draws on the documents of the Ministry of culture, the All-Russian Stage Society, as well as personal documents of the artists. Furthermore, the author has gained access to new archive materials, which have until now been part of no research, such as documents of the N. Krupskaya Central Culture and Art Center and of the central committees of various artistic trade unions. These documents confirm the hypothesis that the festivals provided the Komsomol and the Communist party with a means to solve various social, educational, and cultural problems. For instance, in Central Asia with its partiarchal society, the festivals focuced on female emancipation. In rural Central Asia, as well as in other non-russian parts of the Soviet Union, there co-existed different ways of celebrating. Local traditions intermingled with cultural standards prescribed by Moscow. At the first glance, the modernisation of the Soviet society was succesful. The youth acquired political and cultural level that allowed the Soviet state to compete with the West during the 6th World Festival of Youth and Students. During the festival, however, it became apparent, that the Soviet cultural scheme no longer met the dictates of times. Archival documents show that after the Festival cultural and party officials agreed to ease off dogmatism and to tolerate some of the foreign cultural phenomena.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 258-263
Author(s):  
Argyrios Tasoulas

This article studies the development of Soviet-Cypriot trade relations in 1960-63, based on research at the Archives of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (AVP RF). Concurrently, a historical analysis follows the events after the creation of the new Cypriot state and the two major Cold War crises (the building of the Berlin wall and the Cuban missile crisis). The efforts made by both governments to develop bilateral trade, the aftermath of the two major international crises and the results of the two governments’ policies have been identified and analyzed.


Author(s):  
Vladislav Strutynsky

By analyzing one of the most eventful periods of the modern history of Poland, the early 80s of the XX century, the author examines the dynamics of social and political conflict on the eve of the introduction of martial law, which determines the location of the leading political forces in these events in Poland, that were grouped around the Polish United Labor Party and the Independent trade union «Solidarity», their governing structures and grassroots organizations, highlighting the development of socio-political situation in the country before entering the martial law on the 13th of December and analyzing the relation of the leading countries to the events, especially the Soviet Union. Also, the author distinguishes causes that prevent to reach the compromise in the process of realization different programs, that were offered to public and designed by PUWP and «Solidarity» and were “aimed” to help Polish society to exit an unprecedented conflict. This article provides a comparative analysis of the different analytical meaningful reasons, offered by historians, political scientists, lawyers, and led to the imposition of martial law in the Republic of Poland. The author also analyses the legality of such actions by the state and some conclusions that were reached by scientists, investigating the internal dynamics of the conflict and the process of implementation of tasks, that Polish United Workers’ Party (which ruled at that time) tried to solve with martial law and «Solidarity» was used as self-determination in Polish society. Keywords: Martial law, Independent trade union «Solidarity», inter-factory strike committee, social-political conflict, Polish United Workers’ Party, the Warsaw Pact, the Military Council of National Salvation


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