scholarly journals US Foreign Policy and Iconization of A Terrorist Through Hollywood Films: A Content Analysis of Afghan and Iraq War in Pre & Post 9/11 Movies (1995 To 2015)

2021 ◽  
Vol volume 05 (issue 2) ◽  
pp. 86-99
Author(s):  
Hafiz Azhar Hussain ◽  
Muhammad Majid Hamid Nasir ◽  
Muhammad Rawaha Saleem

The study is about the cinematic representation of war on terror and explores the relationship between Hollywood productions and US foreign policy. It includes 14 Hollywood productions for cinema screen regarding Afghan and Iraq war during the era of 1995 to 2015. Content analysis of selected movies is done to find out how the ‘Other’ characters are presented on screen. The observation concludes that the Hollywood has hand in gloves with Washington to propagate the state agenda throughout the world. The image of enemy on cinematic screen is shaped and reshaped following the patterns which suit the US government as obvious in the case of Afghan and Iraq war. It is also found that the terrorist Middle Eastern and Afghan Muslim characters are mostly non-uniformed, covered head, armed, veiled, wearing upper/ jackets and wear in formal dresses. Moreover, they are iconized as animalistic, uncivilized, aggressor and have no family roles. On the contrary, the ‘Other’ characters which are supportive to American army are mostly presented as un-barbaric, civilized, defender and having family roles and they are mostly uniformed.

2016 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-144
Author(s):  
Timothy M Gill

In recent decades, several sociologists have moved beyond grand theories of international relations, and empirically examined the motivations of US foreign policy leading into the 21st century. This article discusses the work of three political sociologists who have examined US foreign policy from three prominent perspectives: Michael Mann, William Robinson, and Julian Go. Working from a neo-Weberian perspective, Mann highlights the rise of neoconservatism within the US government that has encouraged foreign expansion. From a neo-Marxist perspective, Robinson emphasizes the importance of transnational capitalist class interests, including the promotion of neoliberal policies, on US foreign policy. And working from a world-systems perspective, Go underscores how the US is a hegemon in decline attempting to regain its imperial footing through military aggression. While these researchers cover much ground and raise important questions, their perspectives also contain several blindspots that future work on issues of US foreign policy could address. Most importantly, these three theoretical perspectives have neglected the importance of ideology in making sense of contemporary US foreign policy, and this article argues that future work should more intensively examine how ideology influences foreign policymaking in the US.


Author(s):  
Lisa Wedeen

This chapter examines how political science's complicities with the US empire would jibe with the two aspects of political science that are currently defining the discipline—the convergence, or perhaps more historically accurate, the continuing coalescence in new forms, of science and liberalism. It fleshes out those links while considering how scholarly convictions, combined with the realities of US foreign policy, have structured the terms in which the Middle East is studied today. The first section explores the discipline's seemingly contradictory commitments to value-neutrality and liberal values. The second section foregrounds the constitutive relationship between science, liberalism, and empire in the making of modern Middle Eastern politics as an area of academic inquiry.


2013 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-478
Author(s):  
Miroljub Jevtic

One of the most important phenomena in US politics is Christian Zionism. The term Christian Zionism is related to unity of a large part of Protestant beliefs and the Zionists movement. The religious motives of US Protestants have coincided with the Jewish intention to go back to Palestine. In this way, Protestant religious motives could only be achieved by using political pressure on the US government. The goal of this pressure is to turn the foreign policy of Washington into a struggle for reconstruction and maintenance of the state of Israel. That is why many people wrongly believe that the US policy in Middle East is a product of the Jewish lobby. However, the US foreign policy in Middle East is a product of religious beliefs of Christian Zionists and the Jewish lobby is just using this fact for its own purposes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-337
Author(s):  
Jacob Abadi

This article analyzes the course of US–Yemeni relations from the 1940s to the present and aims to explain the reasons for the twists and turns in bilateral relations. It argues that the US government never developed a unique “Yemen policy” and that its attitude toward that country was determined largely by its ties with Saudi Arabia. Yemen began to loom large in US foreign policy in the early 1960s when Egyptian President Gamal Abd al-Nasser intervened on behalf of the Republicans who staged a coup against the Royal imamate regime, which relied on Saudi support. The article shows that President John Kennedy looked favorably on the new Republican regime in Yemen despite the robust relations that existed between the United Statesand Saudi Arabia. In addition, it argues that despite the war in Yemen, which lasted from 1962 to 1970 and caused instability in this region, this country did not loom large in US foreign policy. This was largely due to the British presence in south Yemen and especially in the port of Aden, which lasted until 1967. The article shows how the British withdrawal from Aden increased Yemen’s value in the eyes of US policymakers, but even then, no effort was made to fashion a unique policy toward this country. In addition, the article demonstrates how Washington’s attitude changed in 1969 when the country was divided into North Yemen, which tended to regard the Soviet Union as its protector and South Yemen, which continued to rely on US aid. And lastly, the article traces US–Yemeni relations from 1990, when the country reunited, until the present. It demonstrates how the bilateral relations were affected by the superpowers’ rivalry during the Cold War, the fight against terrorism, and disagreement between the Republican and the Democratic parties in the United States.


2016 ◽  
pp. 176-191
Author(s):  
Olesya Pavlyuk

The foreign policy approaches and methods of establishing bilateral relations between Washington and Tehran and the actual implementation of the US “containment” policy towards Iran are analyzed in the article. The author argues that the Middle Eastern vector of US foreign policy was formed according to the three security challenges in the region and Iranian involvement in them: the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1988, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and the kidnapping of American hostages in Beirut 1982. Background and progress of Iran-Iraq war were the result of striking contradictions between regional and world leaders in the Middle East. In fact, since the early 1980s. this military confrontation substantially affect the US relationship with IRI. In this context, the key point was the blatant US support of the Iraq and its government. Reagan administration continued the foreign policy of J. Carter and considered the Soviet Union as the greatest threat to the Gulf region, including through military intervention in Afghanistan and its close ties with radical countries like Libya and Syria. In the Middle East, the White House has focused its efforts on negotiations on a peace treaty between Israel and Egypt in 1978. Before the revolution in 1979, Iran was crucial to US interests in the Middle East. First, as a frontline state with an extended 2000-km border with the Soviet Union, as well as a springboard for American intelligence. In addition, Iran was one of the few Muslim countries to recognize Israel, and exported oil to it. However, the after the Islamic revolution, Iran became the periphery to US priorities in the region.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (149) ◽  
pp. 603-621
Author(s):  
Robert Brenner

If we look at the Iraq war in terms of the economic and geopolitical interests that drove US imperialism throughout the postwar epoch, the current adventure of the Bush administration in the middle east remains inexplicable. Instead, we have to understand the current US-foreign policy in the context of domestic class struggles and the emergence of the far right in the US.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mokhamad Toha Rudin

The aim of this study is to conduct a critical analysis of Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment” on Newsweek 2004, and to elaborate US foreign policy toward Islam world and Terrorism after the end if the Cold War, this article also tries to find the ideology or tradition of American foreign policy reflected in Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment”, and how is Realism ideology reflected in the article. The study employs library research in which the data gathered from books, journals, magazines, and internet. The study also employs Van Dijk’s critical linguistic model for the critical analysis of Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment”.The result of the study shows that Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment” reflects both "multilateralistrealist” and “realist-idealist” perspectives for the US foreign policy that the US government should employ. He argues that no single superpower in the world could manage the world order alone without the participants of other world countries. He opposes W. Bush’s unilateral foreign policy toward Iraq though he agrees to “the move toward empire (terrorist) must be halted immediately”. He also argues that bringing democracy into the world, especially Iraq and Muslim worlds, is necessary in order to set up the new world order. The study also shows that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there is a new ideological and cultural conflict between Islam, especially the militant fundamentalist in the fringe of Islam, against the US (Western) globalization of democratization. The new conflict is also generated by the Western phobia toward Islam that can be traced back to the mid-century when the War of Crusade between Islam and Christianity happened.Keywords: US foreign policy, Realist, Idealist, Multilateralist, Unilateralist


Refuge ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan F. Martin ◽  
Elizabeth Ferris

This article examines the role of the United States in the international refugee regime. It argues that the United States generally leads in assistance and protection of refugees and displaced persons when three conditions are present: a strong link to US foreign policy; clear and highly visible humanitarian needs and important domestic constituencies in support of action; and strong congressional support. The United States manifests its leadership through its financial contributions, as the largest donor to the array of international organizations with responsibilities in this area; resettlement of the refugees; and the use of the convening power of the US government. Nevertheless, there are reasons to be cautious about US leadership. While it is unlikely that the United States will soon lose its status as principal donor and principal strategist on tackling displacement, its ability to generate new resettlement offers is less clear, as is its ability to increase its own resettlement levels. The asylum system still has significant gaps, making it difficult for the United States to lead by example.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 695-716 ◽  
Author(s):  
JENNA PITCHFORD

For many years opposition to US foreign policy has frequently been interpreted by cultural commentators and the wider media as “anti-Americanism.” Such “anti-Americanism” has been situated as dangerous, irrational and violent, and this apparent link has been reinforced continuously since 9/11. However, by making a reading of two Iraqi weblogs which have gained significant recognition in Iraq and the West, this article challenges such a simplified definition of alternative perspectives on foreign policy as “anti-Americanism.” This article focusses on the blog entries of two Iraqis, Salam Pax and “Riverbend,” who lived in Baghdad throughout the Iraq War (2003–9) and during the subsequent years of civil unrest. It explores how their online responses to the US action in Iraq illustrate the complexity of perceived “anti-Americanism.” The bloggers do not situate themselves as “anti-American.” Instead they draw a clear distinction between opposition to US foreign policy and hostility towards America and its people, thus problematizing previous definitions of “anti-Americanism.” However, this article also recognizes that whilst these texts highlight this distinction, the negative impact of US foreign policy on Iraq since the occupation, coupled with the militarized image that America projects of itself, has caused the distinction between a disapproval of US foreign policy and an objection to US culture in broader terms to become increasingly blurred. Indeed, these narratives indicate that rather than situating 9/11 as the first move in a campaign of “anti-Americanism,” it could be argued that it is the American government's reaction to the attacks, and the impact of the subsequent occupation of Iraq, which acted as a catalyst for the growth of opposition to US foreign policy, and to some extent a rejection of US culture, in Iraq.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa

Diante do desafio representado aos EUA pela ascensão de Hugo Chávez à presidência da Venezuela, analisa-se o histórico da política externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) para a Venezuela desde o início dos anos 2000. O objetivo é verificar as mudanças e as continuidades da política externa dos EUA para a Venezuela conforme as mudanças de governo estadunidense e o contexto político venezuelano no período recente. Para tanto, a análise compreende os governos de George W. Bush (2001-2009) e Barack H. Obama (2009-2017). Nesse ínterim, o trabalho situa a política dos respectivos governos a três conjunturas venezuelanas: a tentativa de golpe de Estado contra Hugo Chávez em 2002, a consolidação do discurso antiestadunidense do governo chavista e a eclosão da crise generalizada instaurada na Venezuela após a morte de Chávez em 2013.Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos, Política Externa, Venezuela. ABSTRACTIn face of the challenge posed to the US by the rise of Hugo Chávez to Venezuela's presidency, this study aims to analyze the historical pattern of US foreign policy toward Venezuela since early 2000s. It seeks to verify shifts and continuities of US foreign policy toward Venezuela considering US government changes and Venezuelan political context. Therefore, the analysis comprises George W. Bush’s (2001-2009) and Barack H. Obama’s (2009-2017) administrations. Through this period, the research encompasses three different Venezuelan contexts: the Coup D’état attempt in 2002, the consolidation of Chávez’s government and his anti-American discourse e the outbreak of the crisis after Chávez’s death in 2013.Keywords: United States, Foreign Policy, Venezuela. Recebido em: 14 jan. 2020 | Aceito em: 23 jan. 2020.


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