INFORMATION THREATS TO THE STABILITY OF POLITICAL SYSTEM IN THE NORTHERN CAUCASUS

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 025-032
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev ◽  
Vakha Gaziev ◽  
Magomed Soltamuradov ◽  
Sultan Galbatsov

In the Northern Caucasus, political elites traditionally play a key role in managing political processes, prevent and resolve conflicts, counter sociocultural threats, terrorism, and political extremism. The stability of the political system depends on the degree of political elites’ responsibility and their ability to negotiate with the federal political and administrative elite and to relay the interests of society. New threats to the normal functioning of state authorities are currently emerging, indicating the inefficiency of Russia’s policy aimed at preventing information security threats. In recent years, active social strata (mainly young people) have been mobilized with the aim of overthrowing legitimate authorities and objectionable politicians, changing regimes, etc., using modern network technologies, disinformation and fake news. Due to its historical and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as poly-confessional structure, the population of the Northern Caucasus is highly sensitive to territorial issues, as well as issues of religion, culture, ethnic relations, etc. In many respects, information technologies determine the position and power of high-status actors, primarily political elites, within the political system.

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


Author(s):  
S. N. Bolshakov

The article discusses the current problems of functioning democratic institutions in the United States. The consequences of presidential elections and their influence on public opinion are analyzed. In the face of growing tensions toward world democracy and democratic values, US citizens usually agree on the importance of democratic ideals and values that are important to the United States. The results of the study also demonstrate the awareness of American society of the objective existence necessary criticism. Most respondents emphasize their knowledge of basic facts about the political system and democracy in the United States. The majority of respondents said that “significant changes” are necessary in the fundamental structure of the executive bodies of the American government in order for it to work effectively at the present time.The article states the complexity of the ongoing domestic political processes in the United States, the existence of existing contradictions and the split of public opinion regarding the stability of democratic mechanisms of the functioning of the US political system. The complexity of religious, national, social and other contradictions of social development brought to the surface of public debate a complex of problems of the dynamics of political development and the state mechanism of government.


Author(s):  
Ronald Kroeze

This chapter concentrates on two large political corruption scandals—Lockheed and Flick—in two countries that are commonly seen as relatively corruption-free: the Netherlands and Germany. It argues that these corruption scandals were taken very seriously in these countries, but were handled in different ways from what current anticorruption policies would suggest. In both instances, the existing law was regarded as inadequate and the political elites tried to keep the scandals subdued by balancing refusal of formal prosecution against intense public debate, with the aim of maintaining the stability of the political system in the longer run. In illuminating the overlapping interests of political and financial elites, this chapter stresses the value of pragmatic as opposed to morally unbendable approaches to anticorruption.


Author(s):  
Sergii Tolstov ◽  
Alona Godliuk

Over the past decade the political processes in the U.S. and a number of European states have shown ambiguous changes which reflected ideological transformations and regroupings of political elites. Developments within the U.S. political system have witnessed a deep split along ideological lines which was characterized by the revival of various right-wing and conservative currents within the Republican party and the increasing influence of left-liberal groups inside the Democratic party. Taking into account the latest trends, the purpose of this article lays in the structural political analysis of political contradictions and regrouping processes within the U.S. political elites in the 2010s that prevailed during the presidencies of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The authors emphasise that the crisis of traditional elites has not lead to the destruction of the bipartisan system, which remains the most important political institutional mechanism and ensures election of the executive branch, representative bodies and self-government at all levels. At the same time the recent trends within the political system demonstrated the destruction of such a specific phenomenon as a relative bipartisan consensus, which for a long time ensured the stability of power and the balance of interests among different groups of influence despite the regular change of the Republican and Democratic administrations. As an intermediate result reflecting the transformation of the American traditional political establishment the authors note both the overall polarization of the attitudes of the Republican and Democratic parties, and the strengthening of ‘internal’ pluralism inside the Republicans and the Democrats as a result of growing divergence and exacerbation of contradictions between supporters of various ideological groupings and platforms. This was approved by an obvious increase of influence of center-left groups among the Democrats and the right-wingers among the Republicans. These differences caused a tough political confrontation between different groups of elites in such important areas as social policy, taxes and health care. Similar fundamental discrepancies manifest the vision of international affairs especially on foreign trade and principles of interaction with the traditional allies. The exacerbation of political collisions ultimately led to an imbalance in the American political system and the loss of ability to achieve compromises between the leadership of the Republicans and Democrats. The authors conclude that the atomization of political elites is a projection of social stratification and polarization within the American society. These processes are not directly related to the personality of Donald Trump. Given the severity and critical aggravation of political contradictions, the US Presidential and Congressional elections on November 3, 2020 will not resolve the ongoing inter-elite conflict.


Author(s):  
Мохаммад Исаак Шафак

Аннотация: В данной статье автор исследовал феномен победы действующего президента Мохаммада Аршаф Гани, выигравшего во второй раз президентские выборы у своих оппонентов, его персональные качества в отличие от его оппонентов, проигравших выборы на пример Абдуллы Абдуллы. Названы глубинные причины возникновения политического кризиса, как недоговороспособность политических элит Афганистана, разрозненных личными и местечковыми интересами своих кланов. Сделан анализ, почему годами оставаясь у власти, оппоненты Ашрафа Гани, не использовали свои властные полномочия не улучшили политическую ситуацию Афганистана. Автором приведены аналитические выводы их отрицательного влияния на развитие политических процессов, это связано большей частью для сохранения собственных корыстных интересов и благ. Автор на примере анализа деятельности президента и его оппонентов на выборах, выразил собственное экспертную оценку вокруг сложившийся политической ситуации вновь избранного действующего президента Ашрафа Гани Ахмадзая, как политической персоны, выделив его слабые и сильные стороны и оппонентов. Ключевые слова: феномен победы, политический кризис, выборы. Аннотация: Автордун бул илимий макаласында, Мохаммад Ашраф Ганидин экинчи мөөнөткө 2019 -жылы 28-сентябрда болуп өткөн президенттик шайлоодо атаандаштарын утушу, Абдулла Абдулла жана да башка оппонентеринин президенттик шайлоодогу жеке сапаттарын изилдеген. Ооган саясий элитасынын ар түрдүү жеке жана ичи тардык, кызгануу сыяктуу эле кызыкчылыктарын, саясий башаламандык кыймылы жөнүндө жана ошол себептер менен саясий кризис курчуунун негизги себептерин атады. Алардын (эски элитанын) бийликте калуу максатында кыймылдарынын терс таасири тууралуу аналитикалык корутунду көрсөттү, бул инсандар негизинен өздөрүнүн жеке керт башынын кызыкчылыктары менен пайдасын сактоо менен байланыштуу, шайлоодо президенттин иш-аракеттери жана оппоненттери боюнча сереп-талдоо жазылган. Ооганстандагы саясый кырдаал жакшырган жок, саясий жараяндар таатал боюнча калууда, Ашраф Гани менен оппоненттеринин күчтүү жактарын жана кемчиликтери касиеттери жөнүндө, учурдагы Ооганстанда саясий кырдаал тууралуу өзүнүн серебин билдирди. Түйүндүү сөздөр: жеңүүнүн феномени, саясий кризис, шайлоо Annotation: In this article, the author explored the phenomenon of victory of incumbent President Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, who won the second time the presidential election against his opponents, his personal qualities, unlike his opponents, who lost theelection by the example of Abdullah Abdullah. The underlying causes of the political crisis are identified as the lack of maturity of the political elites of Afghanistan, fragmented by the personal and local interests of their clans. An analysis is made of why staying in power for years, opponents of Ashraf Ghani, did not use their power, did not improve the political situation in Afghanistan, the author gives analytical conclusions of their negative impact on the development of political processes, this is mainly due to preserving their own selfish interests and benefits. The author, using an example of analysis of the activities of the president and his opponents in the elections, expressed his own expert assessment around the current political situation of the newly elected incumbent president Ashraf Gani Ahmadzai as a political person, highlighting his weaknesses and strengths and opponents. Keywords: the phenomenon of victory, political crisis, elections.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.


Author(s):  
S. Suhak ◽  
L. Shabanova-Kushnarenko ◽  
M. Siruk ◽  
N. Bihun ◽  
A. Mishchenko

Nowadays, the development of information technologies determines the successful functioning of the political system, since they allow to control political processes, prevent social and political conflicts. Increasing the level of reliability of the information, the most effective use of information resources, external and internal information ropes increase the stability of the political system, stability of the socio-political development of the country. The combination of different telecommunication technologies that create the preconditions for building flexible and high-performance service-oriented systems can be used to solve problems in different industries. However, nowadays, one of the constraints on the implementation and further development of such networks is the theoretical under-development of service delivery models, due to the lack of comprehensive information on the structure of data center networks. During the research conducted by the authors, it was found that the data processing center is the basis for informing the defense ministry of Ukraine. During the research, the authors used general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the basic provisions of the theory of informatics, the theory of complex technical systems, the theory of information, etc. During the research, the authors substantiated the main tasks that will be performed by the data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine, identified the main information and calculation tasks that will be performed by them. The authors also substantiated the requirements for building a data center of the Defense Ministry of Ukraine. The authors evaluated modern technological solutions and software and hardware for the creation of the information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine. Possible technical and software for building a reliable and secure data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine are proposed. Therefore, the prospective direction of further scientific research of the authors should be considered the justification of ways of improvement of informatization of the armed forces of Ukraine and the creation of information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine are mobile data centers. This will allow the deployment of information infrastructure in various conditions, including in the open space, which is very relevant for the specifics of actions in the east of Ukraine.


1968 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 506-527 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur Stinchcombe

Political socialization may be thought of as having three aspects: the degree to which people interpret the conditions of their milieu in terms of distant political processes, the ideas of social causation with which they interpret such distant processes, and the interpretation of specific political events and structures of their country. This paper attempts to show that the first is determined mainly by men's educational and migration biography, the second mainly by men's occupational experience, and the third mainly by the history and structure of the political system men live under. The data come from a study of the contrasts between industrial bureaucrats and the traditional middle classes in steel cities in three South American countries, Chile, Argentina, and Venezuela.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Matt Barreto

AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Johannsen

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy.


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