Lockheed (1977) and Flick (1981–1986)

Author(s):  
Ronald Kroeze

This chapter concentrates on two large political corruption scandals—Lockheed and Flick—in two countries that are commonly seen as relatively corruption-free: the Netherlands and Germany. It argues that these corruption scandals were taken very seriously in these countries, but were handled in different ways from what current anticorruption policies would suggest. In both instances, the existing law was regarded as inadequate and the political elites tried to keep the scandals subdued by balancing refusal of formal prosecution against intense public debate, with the aim of maintaining the stability of the political system in the longer run. In illuminating the overlapping interests of political and financial elites, this chapter stresses the value of pragmatic as opposed to morally unbendable approaches to anticorruption.

1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 397-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Z. Paltiel

ANALYSTS OF THE ISRAELI POLITICAL SYSTEM HAVE COMMONLY attributed the stability of the polity to factors closely associated with the role played by the various Israeli parties in the state's economic and social life, and/or to the existence of a dominant, institutionalized state-building party. The consociational approach ought to help to clarify those factors which have maintained the stability of the coalition system which has governed the state of Israel since its establishment in 1948 and whose roots may be traced back as far as 1933 and even earlier.The consociational model and the theory of elite accommodation have been elaborated in an effort to explain the maintenance of continuing political stability in what at first glance would appear to be societies deeply divided along social, economic, ethnic, religious and ideological lines. Political stability in fragmented societies from this standpoint rests on the overarching commitment of the political elites to the preservation and maintenance of the system and their readiness to cooperate to this end.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 025-032
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev ◽  
Vakha Gaziev ◽  
Magomed Soltamuradov ◽  
Sultan Galbatsov

In the Northern Caucasus, political elites traditionally play a key role in managing political processes, prevent and resolve conflicts, counter sociocultural threats, terrorism, and political extremism. The stability of the political system depends on the degree of political elites’ responsibility and their ability to negotiate with the federal political and administrative elite and to relay the interests of society. New threats to the normal functioning of state authorities are currently emerging, indicating the inefficiency of Russia’s policy aimed at preventing information security threats. In recent years, active social strata (mainly young people) have been mobilized with the aim of overthrowing legitimate authorities and objectionable politicians, changing regimes, etc., using modern network technologies, disinformation and fake news. Due to its historical and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as poly-confessional structure, the population of the Northern Caucasus is highly sensitive to territorial issues, as well as issues of religion, culture, ethnic relations, etc. In many respects, information technologies determine the position and power of high-status actors, primarily political elites, within the political system.


Author(s):  
Bob Moore

There is a general consensus among historians and political scientists that fascism has never had much popular appeal in the Netherlands. The reasons put forward for this view centre on the stability of a Dutch political system epitomized by relatively unchanging voter allegiances and cabinet formation through coalitions of two or more parties. Traditionally, these allegiances were defined primarily by confessional or established ideological positions: Roman Catholicism, Orthodox Calvinism, liberalism, and Social Democracy. More recently, a fear of immigrants and of an increased presence of Islamic culture has helped spawn movements that, if not openly fascist, certainly contain some of the attributes associated with mainstream fascism. The first forms of fascism emerged in the Netherlands during the 1920s, inspired by a small minority who were motivated by admiration for what Mussolini had achieved in Italy.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 178
Author(s):  
Adegboyega O. Oyekunle

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of political corruption on the Nigerian society. It examines the future of the political status of Nigeria given the present experiences in the polity. The paper employs the analytic and critical method of philosophy, with a view to showing the influence of Machiavelli’s political philosophy on the Nigerian political elites. The central argument of this paper is that the interpretation of politics in the Machiavellian way, its adoption and practice by Nigerian political elites stand as the root cause of political corruption in the country.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Matt Barreto

AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Johannsen

Using secondary data from 21 post-communist countries, a map of urban–rural cleavages is produced. The findings are that while persistent cleavages exist with respect to attitudes toward the state, the market and traditional institutions, these cleavages have yet to be institutionalized within the political system. Deviations from the generalized pattern can typically be explained by the intrusion of the state-building process into the urban–rural cleavage structure. Furthermore, it is argued that the lack of institutionalization has led to a situation in which state and political elites have gained increased autonomy.


1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 620-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simcha B. Werner

The paper emphasizes the effects of various societal forces on the development of corruption. The study of these factors contributes to an understanding of how corruption can thrive in countries with high levels of political development. Three stages of the life-cycle of corruption have been identified in Israel, which serves as a case study. The embryonic stage is associated with foreign domination of Palestine. The period after Israel became independent and until 1967 marks the development stage of corruption, when inhibiting and stimulating forces intermingled and produced white corruption, which was rationalized, condoned and allowed to prevail. The period since 1967 evidences the maturation of corruption. In this period, inhibiting forces of corruption are declining, while catalyzing forces of corruption are accentuating. The result is numerous scandals of black corruption that upset the political system.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
András Körösényi

This paper first explores the polarizationthesis, according to which between 1990-2010 political polarization increased to a large extent in the Hungarian political elite and among citizens, although it did not undermine the stability of the political system. Second, it gives an endogenousexplanation for this phenomenon. Third, through theoretical discussion and empirical examples taken from Hungarian politics it is revealed that although growing polarization has not generated regime instability, it reduces, or might reduce, the efficiency of the operation of democracy. Five mechanisms of the effects of ideological polarization which weaken democratic accountability are explored.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Justyna Doroszczyk

Oprichina is the first security service in Russia. The main aim of oprichnina was to protect the stability of the political system and the reign of tsars. The main thesis is based on the conviction that secret services since Ivan the Terrible are one of the most important factors in the Russian political system. The purpose of the article is to analyze the functioning and the role of oprichnina, its organization, its structure and its main tasks in the context of the tendency of centralization of the state. The aim is to demonstrate that the establishment of the oprichnina initiated the process of forming state security organs as the foundation of maintaining power and implementing the priorities of internal and external politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (02) ◽  
pp. 73-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Philp

Abstract:This essay challenges conceptions of political corruption that rely on standards external to politics and explores an understanding of corruption as something that is part of the internal policing of politics. The essay draws attention to the multiple, conflicting ideas and principles that contribute to our understanding of corruption but argues that these often generate over-moralized and over-generalized claims and can become corrosive of the compromises and procedures that are central to political rule. The essay shows that recent accounts of political corruption often have highly attenuated understandings of “politics” and are over-expansive in their normative commitments, and argues that how we understand and talk about the corruption of politics is of major significance for the stability and effectiveness of the political orders of Western societies.


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